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201.
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Ralph D. Ellis 《Policy Sciences》1993,26(2):99-123
The most fundamental philosophical objection to cost-benefit analysis is that it fails to account for the distinction between more-necessary and less-necessary benefits. For example, it provides no way to avoid trading off a few cancer deaths in exchange for a more cost-effective but also more hazardous technology which provides cheaper paper or plastic products for the many. Since unjust distribution of benefits and burdens results primarily from the failure to prefer more-necessary goods (such as health and safety) over less-necessary ones (such as cheaper plastic razors), we shall see that a correct calculation of the rate at which marginal utilities diminish in value (as they become less necessary to their users) can determine degrees of necessity and thus the most just possible distribution of benefits and burdens. One way to measure the rate of diminishing marginal utility is provided by the wealth effect in occupational risk studies. Wealthier workers will not assume the same risk in exchange for a given salary increment (which to them is not very necessary) as poorer workers would assume for that same salary increment (which to them is more necessary). It is therefore possible to construct a mathematical model for the effect of necessity/non-necessity on quantitative decision principles for environmental and risk-related public policy, thus making such decisions more distributively just than traditional cost-benefit analysis would allow. 相似文献
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Ralph Sandland 《Feminist Legal Studies》2000,8(2):227-239
This note analyses the decision of the House of Lords in Fitzpatrick, which held that gay partners could fall within the legal definition of ‘family’ for some purposes. The note argues that
despite the real (if overstated) benefits that this case bestows on gay partners in the form of legal rights, under analysis,
the decision self-deconstructs to reveal that it is grounded on the principle of discrimination on the basis of sexuality.
However, it is also suggested that the encounter between discursive legal reasoning (underpinned by normative heterosexuality),
and aversion of the family which is ‘other’ to this discourse, is one which leaves its mark on law, as the potential undermining
or deconstruction of law’s normative assumptions. The note further argues that although this decision is properly seen as
a moment in the struggle for gay rights, it also serves as a reminder that the fortunes of critical theories and political
movements that seek to challenge the legal paradigm of the white, heterosexual male are inextricably linked. Fitzpatrick, whatever else it is, is also an object lesson in the debt that current campaigns for gay legal rights owe to feminist critiques
of, and campaigns that have successfully challenged, the role of this norm in legal discourse.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
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Kevin L. Nunes Franca Cortoni Ralph C. Serin 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2010,15(2):341-356
Purpose. The goal of the present research was to develop a screening measure to assist in identifying offenders at risk for drop‐out or expulsion from correctional programmes. Methods. Non‐Aboriginal male offenders (N = 5,247) were randomly divided into a development sample (N = 2,617) and a validation sample (N = 2,630). In the development sample, individual predictors were identified through univariate and multivariate analyses, weighted based on their relationship with drop‐out/expulsion, and combined into a composite measure we called the drop‐out risk screen (DRS). Results. The DRS consists of five items, including static and dynamic risk factors for recidivism as well as motivation for intervention. It significantly predicted drop‐out/expulsion in the development sample (area under the receiver operating characteristic curve [AUC]= .72) and performed similarly in the validation sample (AUC = .70). Conclusions. The results indicate that the DRS is a valid screening instrument for risk of drop‐out/expulsion. Prior to commencement of a treatment programme, offenders with high scores on the DRS could be more thoroughly assessed and, if necessary, targeted with pre‐treatment efforts to increase their motivation and general readiness for treatment. 相似文献
209.
Ralph Darlington 《Labor History》2016,57(4):504-525
While most accounts of the Dublin Lockout of 1913–1914 consider it primarily as an event in Irish history, it was also one of the most important struggles in twentieth-century British history. It was influenced by, and was an integral part of the great ‘labour unrest’ that swept over Britain in the years 1911–1914 and had tremendous repercussions in Britain as well as Ireland. This article provides much neglected analysis of the nature, extent and dynamics of the solidarity campaign that was generated on the British mainland for the Lockout (probably the only other comparable event was the national miners’ strike of 1984–1985), the reasons why such widespread support was forthcoming and its broader implications for understanding the strengths and weaknesses of militant trade unionism in Britain during this period. It provides a comprehensive re-examination of the historical record and offers a critical analysis of existing predominant historiographical interpretations of the dispute. In the process, the article provides new insights into the potential and limits of Jim Larkin’s campaign to secure sympathetic industrial action inside the British labour movement, the refusal of the Trades Union Congress to support such an initiative and the inability of rank-and-file and socialist militants to overcome the entrenched resistance of the official union leadership. 相似文献
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