首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   59篇
  免费   3篇
各国政治   21篇
工人农民   1篇
世界政治   4篇
外交国际关系   2篇
法律   22篇
政治理论   12篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   4篇
  2017年   1篇
  2016年   5篇
  2015年   4篇
  2014年   1篇
  2013年   24篇
  2012年   3篇
  2011年   1篇
  2010年   4篇
  2007年   1篇
  2003年   1篇
  2002年   1篇
  2000年   1篇
  1998年   1篇
排序方式: 共有62条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
42.
Drawing on 5 hours of data from a very popular and one of the longest-running music radio programs, the current study uses a combination of conversation analysis and sound semiotics to study the interconnection among talk, music and sound in DJ talk, an area which is somewhat of a blind spot in radio studies. The analysis demonstrates that the music program is primarily a program that unfolds through a music information “chain” and evolves through a musical narration of historical important moments of the artists or music genres that are being presented. The results illustrate a number of principal features of a music journalism show and highlight the unique DJ style and its role in the completion of the show.  相似文献   
43.
44.
SUMMARY

In this article, Éric Anceau examines the coup d'État of 2 December 1851, which was carried out by the President of the French Republic at the time, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, against the Legislative Assembly. By viewing the coup from the parliamentary side and by using the method of prosopography, the author reevaluates an apparently well-known period, while refraining from partisan judgements and hasty generalizations. In the first part, the author analyses the immediate and contrasted reactions of the 741 parliamentarians to the coup. He then describes their negotiations and alignments. He finally shows the consequences for the parliamentarians of their different attitudes towards the coup: active support, acceptance, total abstention (a stance chosen by approximately a fifth of them) or outright resistance. In fact, Éric Anceau shows the great variety of their responses. Nevertheless he underlines the undecided, wait-and-see and pragmatic attitude chosen by most of the representatives. He concludes by mentioning the long-lasting consequences of the coup on the relationship between the new regime and the former Assembly representatives.  相似文献   
45.
Summary

A number of historians have recently advanced the thesis that the millones of 1601 transformed the structure of Castilian politics by shifting the constitutional balance of power toward the Cortes and cities at the expense of the crown. The thesis rests on three principal arguments: that the millones established a contractual relationship between crown and parliament, that they created a public system of tax revenue controlled by the Cortes and cities, and that they helped to unify Castile fiscally. This article reviews these conclusions through an examination of the actual administration of the millones from 1601–1621. The analysis suggests that the conclusions drawn by revisionist historians, largely from the texts of successive millones agreements, have been overstated. In reality the millones did not transform Castilian politics and many of the gains ascribed to the Cortes and cities were either never achieved, or achieved only in partial or provisional ways. Nevertheless the millones of 1601 did alter the context of Castilian politics and set the stage for a prolonged period of constitutional debate that took well over three decades to resolve.  相似文献   
46.
47.
How do courts award noneconomic damages? Does it matter if the state is the defendant? This article addresses these questions in the context of medical malpractice appeals to the Spanish Supreme Court. Moreover, this study provides the first empirical analysis of the quantification of noneconomic damages in medical malpractice cases in administrative courts, where the state is the defendant, and in civil courts. This separation of jurisdictions is a common feature in civil law tradition countries. Yet, critics of this separation in general, and specialized courts in particular, argue that parties might be subject to different treatments and that similar cases might reach different outcomes, namely in terms of the quantification of damages. A consistent result of this paper is that no significant differences between noneconomic damages in civil and administrative appeals were found. The separation of jurisdictions does not necessarily imply that courts reach different outcomes, even when the state is the defendant. Citizens should not refrain from bringing their claims forward against the state, a more powerful party. In the current era of increasing juridification and judicialization of modern life (Ginsburg 2009; Hirschl 2006; Hirschl 2011), it is crucial for society that citizens and other parties litigating with the state are not disadvantageously treated.  相似文献   
48.
This article is one of a series commissioned to mark the tenth anniversary of the Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network. It offers a critical assessment of the impact of the UNGASS Declaration of Commitment on national HIV/AIDS strategies and programs in relation to human rights one year after its adoption. The article reviews the process leading up to the Declaration and describes the limitations of the Declaration's explicit and implicit recognition of human rights. It summarizes information provided by countries one year later to the Secretary-General and to UNAIDS on their progress in meeting the goals and targets of the Declaration, particularly with regard to human rights. It comments on what we can learn from this about countries' recognition of the centrality of promoting and protecting human rights. Finally, it suggests ways to monitor more effectively and comprehensively the implementation of a human rights-based response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic.  相似文献   
49.
This article shows that key to understanding the referendum outcome are factors such as a profoundly eurosceptic public, high levels of citizen uncertainty, divided mainstream political parties on the EU and lack of unity within the ‘Leave’ campaign. The Brexit referendum is more than just about domestic issues and government approval. Utilitarian concerns related to economic evaluations of EU integration coupled with support of or opposition to EU freedom of movement are very likely to influence vote choice. Those campaigns that focus on rational utilitarian arguments about the costs and benefits related to EU membership as a whole but also to EU freedom of movement are expected to swing voters.  相似文献   
50.
The use of political violence to attain political goals has long been a source of concern. Once thought to be exclusive to countries with high levels of general violence, recent evidence suggests that harassment and intimidation of political elites in the UK is more widespread than previously thought. Using data from the 2017 general election candidate survey, we find that four in every ten candidates experienced at least one type of harassment. Evidence suggests that women and young candidates are more likely to suffer from harassment and intimidation. We conclude by formulating an agenda for future research, focussing, in particular, on the perception of harassment and the effect of harassment on political careers.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号