首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   59篇
  免费   3篇
各国政治   21篇
工人农民   1篇
世界政治   4篇
外交国际关系   2篇
法律   22篇
政治理论   12篇
  2022年   1篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   4篇
  2017年   1篇
  2016年   5篇
  2015年   4篇
  2014年   1篇
  2013年   24篇
  2012年   3篇
  2011年   1篇
  2010年   4篇
  2007年   1篇
  2003年   1篇
  2002年   1篇
  2000年   1篇
  1998年   1篇
排序方式: 共有62条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
This article examines how, if at all, the mobilisation of the Russian Movement Against Illegal Immigration has had an impact on changes in Russian policies. Little is known about the outcomes of radical right movements in general or the Russian radical right in particular. The Movement Against Illegal Immigration has arguably played a role in shaping negative public attitudes towards immigration. On the other hand, the Russian government has not adopted any clear nationalistic anti-immigration policy frame. We show that disruptive events of Movement Against Illegal Immigration's mobilisation have caused reactions in terms of the elite discourse on immigration and restrictive immigration legislation.  相似文献   
52.
In the last three decades several countries around the world have transferred authority from their national to their regional governments. However, not all their regions have been empowered to the same degree and important differences can be observed between and within countries. Why do some regions obtain more power than others? Current literature argues that variation in the redistribution of power and resources between regions is introduced by demand. Yet these explanations are conditional on the presence of strong regionalist parties or territorial cleavages. This article proposes instead a theory that links the government’s risk of future electoral defeat with heterogeneous decentralisation, and tests its effects using data from 15 European countries and 141 regions. The results provide evidence that parties in government protect themselves against the risk of electoral defeat by selectively targeting decentralisation towards regions in which they are politically strong. The findings challenge previous research that overestimates the importance of regionalist parties while overlooking differences between regions.  相似文献   
53.
We empirically compare the contributions of venture capital (VC) and private equity backed firms, including those backed by government subsidized innovation investment funds (IIFs), in the Australian economy by analyzing employment, R&D, patents, time to IPO, and market capitalization from market inception to August 2012. Overall, the data highlight a central role for VC and IIF investment in facilitating R&D, innovation, and economic growth. Our IIF findings highlight the success of government sponsorship of VC under the Australian program design, which is sharply in contrast with the lack of success of government venture programs in other countries.  相似文献   
54.
The Security in the Interparental Subsystem Scale (SIS) is based on emotional security theory. This study examined the psychometric properties of an adaptation of the SIS to a sample of Portuguese adolescents (60.3 % girls; 10 to 18 years old; Mage?=?13 years; N?=?229), recruited in public schools. Discriminant and concurrent validity were assessed by analyzing SIS dimensions associations with adolescents’ exposure to interparental conflict (IC), and psychological adjustment, respectively. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses of the SIS supported a six-factor solution, with satisfactory internal consistency. Evidence for discriminant and concurrent validity was provided: most SIS dimensions significantly discriminated between adolescents exposed to higher vs. lower levels of IC; and a significant positive association between emotional reactivity and adolescents’ externalizing symptoms was found. These findings suggest that the SIS is a reliable tool for assessing adolescents’ emotional insecurity in the interparental relationship within the context of this sample.  相似文献   
55.
56.
57.
In October 2011, George Papandreou, the then Greek Prime Minister, announced he was planning to hold a referendum in order for the Greek people to decide whether to agree to the bailout plan prepared by the International Monetary Fund, the Central European Bank and the European Commission. This intention was aborted due to intense pressure by Papandreou??s European partners, especially Germany and France. This interference clearly shows the problematic relationship between the so-called ??markets?? and national-popular sovereignty. This article raises the question of why this interference happened in the first place, why the global markets felt such a big threat before the possibility of a vote taking place in a small country of 10 million inhabitants. And also, importantly, what this means in terms of potential for political agency by those who are usually considered to be lacking such agency, as having ??no other alternative?? than to follow the one-way course of neoliberalism.  相似文献   
58.
59.
The relationship between terrorism and culture was systematically examined using three high-quality global databases. Contrary to prior research, terrorism—collapsed across form and era—was not related to any of Hofstede's cultural dimensions. Yet, particular forms of terrorism—incidents involving substantial casualties and damage, suicide bombings, and the proportion of incidents involving fatalities—all showed relationships with cultural dimensions. Tolerance of terrorism and relative tolerance of the 9/11 attack were related to cultural dimensions and terrorist events. Finally, populations that were relatively voiceless, disengaged from their communities, suffering, angry, and hopeless showed more tolerance of terrorism and incidents of terrorism.  相似文献   
60.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号