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921.
The assessment and diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression in forensic evaluations may lack an acknowledgement of the neurocognitive impact of these disorders and how they interact with other causative factors, such as traumatic brain injury (TBI), pain or fatigue. Both PTSD and depression have a complex, growing and consolidating neuroscientific and neuropsychological evidence base, and both can affect neuropsychological test results. In forensic neuropsychological assessments, they are often considered to be confounding factors in evaluating TBI and neurodegenerative disorders but not a source of cognitive impairment in their own right. Yet, an accurate neuropsychological assessment of both cognition and affect is vital to causality determination, prognosis and treatment planning. To complicate matters, selective brain injuries, contingent on the location of injury, can produce symptoms of depression that also affect the neurocognitive profile. Therefore, behavior can overlap not only due to overlapping or comorbid diagnoses, but also due to similar neuroanatomical correlates of both conditions. This paper focuses on reviewing and integrating the available empirical evidence from neuroscience and neuropsychology regarding the cognitive impact of PTSD and depression. Our critical review will emphasize the implications of the more recent evidence for forensic assessment determinations regarding causality, diagnosis, and the impact on function, prognosis and treatment. Hence, electronic search engines, PubMed, PsycINFO, and Google Scholar (up to January 2018) were screened and reviewed both for the neuroscience and neuropsychological literature related to depression and PTSD. 相似文献
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Rising to the Top: Gender,Political Performance,and Party Leadership in Parliamentary Democracies 下载免费PDF全文
Diana Z. O'Brien 《American journal of political science》2015,59(4):1022-1039
Party leaders are the main actors controlling campaign strategies, policy agendas, and government formation in advanced parliamentary democracies. Little is known, however, about gender and party leadership. This article examines gendered leadership patterns across 71 political parties in 11 parliamentary democracies between 1965 and 2013. It shows that men and women have different access to, and experiences in, party leadership and that these gendered political opportunity structures are shaped by parties' political performances. Women are more likely to initially come to power in minor opposition parties and those that are losing seat share. Once selected for the position, female leaders are more likely to retain office when their parties gain seats, but they are also more likely to leave the post when faced with an unfavorable trajectory. Together, these results demonstrate that prospective female leaders are playing by a different (and often more demanding) set of rules than their male counterparts. 相似文献
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Marcos Alan S. V. Ferreira Mark Anner Omar Sánchez‐Sibony Mark Ungar Bárbara Zárate Tenorio Andrew G. Reiter Kenneth P. Jameson Christina Ewig 《拉美政治与社会》2016,58(3):142-166
Books reviewed in this issue. Carlos Eduardo Poggio Teixeira, Brazil, the United States, and the South American Subsystem: Regional Politics and the Absent Empire. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2014. Abbreviations, bibliography, index, 169 pp.; hardcover $80, paperback $36.99, ebook $22.07. Matthew E. Carnes, Continuity Despite Change: The Politics of Labor Regulation in Latin America. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014. Tables, figures, bibliography, index, 256 pp.; hardcover $65. Tasha Fairfield, Private Wealth and Public Revenue in Latin America: Business Power and Tax Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Figures, tables, acronyms, appendixes, bibliography, index, 364 pp.; hardcover $99, ebook $79. Eduardo Moncada, Cities, Business, and the Politics of Urban Violence in Latin America. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016. Bibliography, index, 248 pp.; hardcover $65, ebook. Teri L. Caraway, María Lorena Cook, and Stephen Crowley, eds., Working Through the Past: Labor and Authoritarian Legacies in Comparative Perspective. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015. Photographs, illustrations, notes, bibliography, index, 296 pp.; hardcover $79.95, paperback $27.95. Elin Skaar, Camila Gianella Malca, and Trine Eide, After Violence: Transitional Justice, Peace, and Democracy. New York: Routledge, 2015. Figures, tables, index, 232 pp.; hardcover $145, paperback $54. David A. Steinberg, Demanding Devaluation: Exchange Rate Politics in the Developing World. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015. Illustrations, figures, tables, appendix, notes, bibliography, index, 288 pp.; hardcover $45. UN Women, Progress of the World's Women 2015–16: Transforming Economies, Realizing Rights. New York: United Nations, 2015. Figures, tables, maps, notes, index, bibliography, 342 pp.; web version, http://progress.unwomen.org/en/2015 相似文献
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Amanda Clayton Diana Z. O'Brien Jennifer M. Piscopo 《American journal of political science》2019,63(1):113-129
What does women's presence in political decision‐making bodies signal to citizens? Do these signals differ based on the body's policy decisions? And do women and men respond to women's presence similarly? Though scholars have demonstrated the substantive and symbolic benefits of women's representation, little work has examined how women's presence affects citizens' perceptions of democratic legitimacy. We test the relationship between representation and legitimacy beliefs through survey experiments on a nationally representative sample of U.S. citizens. First, we find that women's equal presence legitimizes decisions that go against women's interests. We show suggestive evidence that this effect is particularly pronounced among men, who tend to hold less certain views on women's rights. Second, across decision outcomes and issue areas, women's equal presence legitimizes decision‐making processes and confers institutional trust and acquiescence. These findings add new theoretical insights into how, when, and for whom inclusive representation increases perceptions of democratic legitimacy. 相似文献
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Romanovski Zéphirin 《Development in Practice》2014,24(3):420-434
Remitting outweighs foreign aid by a rate of more than eight times, resulting in a skewed perception of the Haitian economy and consequent hindrance to development. Endowing Haitian state institutions and civil society by strengthening the potential role of migrants’ remittances in regional socio-economic reconstruction could prevent some of the mistakes uncovered in previous development policies from recurring in current nation-building initiatives. The funding gap of the United Nations’ short term funded projects could be bridged with a long term commitment of a new migrant class of investors to finance productive projects and endow regional participatory institutions. 相似文献
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