Poitras  Jean  Bowen  Robert E. 《Negotiation Journal》2002,18(3):211-232

The potential of consensus building is dependent upon overcoming difficulties associated with the challenges in getting parties to the table. This article builds a framework for understanding the factors and variables most fundamentally involved in the initiation of consensus-building efforts. Nine factors involved at the beginning of a consensus-building process are identified and outlined. The framework is structured on three major functions of the initiation phase: the definition of the problem, the structure of negotiation, and the motivation to participate.  相似文献   

    

Michael E. Latham 《和平与变革》2002,27(4):499-527

Focused on the 1964 Panama Canal Zone riots and the political crisis that followed them, this article explores the intersection between imperial legacies and Cold War policymaking. After describing the Panamanian context and the historical causes of the violence, it argues that Lyndon Johnson and his advisers proved incapable of understanding the way that an imperial past shaped the Cold War present. Focused on the need to maintain America’s international credibility and concerned with domestic criticism, they viewed Panamanian actions as irrational and irresponsible, considered nationalism only as a cynically wielded political weapon, and determined that any agreement to negotiate would convey a dangerous image of weakness and lack of resolve. They also solidified a way of looking at the world that foreclosed opportunities to work for peace and that eventually led to much greater tragedy.  相似文献   

    

Chris E. Cookson 《Politics & Policy》1997,25(3):515-526

This essay examines some of the challenges to the doctrine of separation of powers posed by two facets of presidential power: the executive order and the presidential signing statement. Unilateral presidential action through executive orders calls into question the distinction between legislative and executive functions as provided in the U.S. Constitution. The innovative use of the presidential signing statement as an opportunity for the executive to declare portions of legislation to be unconstitutional also blurs the distinction between these separate branches of government. Contemporary exercise of executive power poses challenges to the Madisonian model of government and to concomitant democratic norms.  相似文献   

    

Scott E. Buchanan 《Politics & Policy》1997,25(4):687-704

This study examines the impact of the abolition of the county-unit system on the 1962 Georgia gubernatorial election, which provides the opportunity to analyze what occurs when a major upheaval takes place in an electoral system. Methods : Hypotheses concerning this election are proposed. Path models are used to demonstrate causal relationships, while multiple regression is used to empirically test the hypotheses. Results : The findings show that the abolition of the county-unit system did have a significant impact upon this election. This ranged from what motivated voter turnout, to visits by the candidates, to what influenced vote choice. Conclusions : The abolition of the county-unit system provided for a massive shift away from rural domination of statewide politics. Beyond simply influencing voting behavior, the urban counties also had a decisive impact on candidate campaigning and voter turnout.  相似文献   

    

Rhoda E. Howard 《Citizenship Studies》1998,2(1):133-152

This article analyses interviews conducted in 1996–97 with 78civic leaders in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. In part, the interviews focused on what it means to respondents to be Canadian. Among the respondents were 36 immigrants and 23 persons not of European ancestry, including four aboriginal people. The article addresses the challenge of creating a sense of citizenship—a moral sense of belonging—among a population of increasingly diverse origin in anglophone Canada. The argument proposed is that despite the diverse ancestral and geographical origins of the inhabitants of the country, Canadianness exists. Canadians, both native‐born and immigrants, recognize themselves as Canadians. They do so because they recognize the opportunities and freedoms available to them in Canada, and the day‐to‐day respect they enjoy. To be Canadian and recognized as such by others is meaningful. Even very recent immigrants do not define themselves primarily as members of their ancestral cultural communities. Spinner's concept of pluralistic integration seems a better way to describe Canadian society than the popular concept of multiculturalism.  相似文献   

    

M E Medaglia  P A von Mehren 《Tort & insurance law journal》1998,33(4):1023-1061

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  总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3  

Wells  Gary L.  Small  Mark  Penrod  Steven  Malpass  Roy S.  Fulero  Solomon M.  Brimacombe  C. A. E. 《Law and human behavior》1998,22(6):603-647

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Shirley E. Jackson 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》1998,37(1):34-51

This article examines current concerns with youth crime in England and Wales and offers an innovative approach to the prevailing options being proposed. It encourages the use of family group conferences, an internationally developing model applied both to child welfare and youth justice. This article outlines the origins and principles of the model and addresses the issues for implementation in the youth justice system in England and Wales. It concludes with a warning about hasty introductions without due consideration of the relevant issues. Please note that towards final submission of this article, a number of important developments in the debate around youth justice were presented in the Audit Commission (1996) Report Misspent Youth: Young People and Crime, and in the new government’s proposals. It is hoped that readers will appreciate the difficulties of continuing revisions to an article in the light of new material and read it with appreciation of the considerable time lag between first submission, acceptance and publication.  相似文献   

    

Arthur E. Appleton 《Review of European, Comparative & International Environmental Law》1997,6(2):131-138

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Wendy E. Chmielewski 《和平与变革》1995,20(4):466-490

Although there was no separate women's peace movement before World War I, women were active in the movement almost from its inception at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Before the Civil War, male leaders of the American Peace Society and its predecessors were ambiguous in their attempts to recruit women into the movement. They encouraged women to join peace groups, contribute financially, and influence other women and children but not to take leadership positions or direct movement policy. Women joined the mixed-gender groups and formed their own peace societies. They also worked individually and in groups outside of the societies, writing on peace issues, influencing others, and acting as citizen-diplomats by forming networks with women internationally.  相似文献