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901.
There is a rich debate surrounding the causes of women’s heterogeneous work–life orientations and strategies. This article focuses on the debate between postmodern individualistic approaches and gender approaches that emphasise the pervasiveness of socio-structural factors. After offering a profile of Spanish women in the twenty-first century, we present the results of qualitative research based on 30 semi-structured interviews with working mothers from different social backgrounds. We discuss Hakim’s ‘preference theory’ by exposing how social class shapes Spanish working mothers’ work–life attitudes and behaviour and how these further change over the life cycle or as a result of changing contexts. 相似文献
902.
Jean Trépanier 《Criminal Law Forum》1989,1(1):91-98
Conference Papers
Reform of the criminal law the Inns of Court, London, England July 26–29, 1987 相似文献903.
Angélica Durán‐Martínez 《拉美政治与社会》2017,59(2):145-153
Bruce M. Bagley and Jonathan D. Rosen, eds., Drug Trafficking, Organized Crime, and Violence in the Americas Today. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2015. Figures, tables, index, 464 pp.; hardcover $84.95, paperback $35. Julie Marie Bunck and Michael Ross Fowler, Bribes, Bullets, and Intimidation: Drug Trafficking and the Law in Central America. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012. Figures, maps, tables, abbreviations, bibliography, index, 448 pp.; hardcover $93.95, paperback $34.95. Winifred Tate, Drugs, Thugs, and Diplomats: U.S. Policymaking in Colombia. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2015. Illustrations, bibliography, index, 304 pp.; hardcover $90, paperback $25.95, ebook $24.65. Roberto Zepeda and Jonathan D. Rosen, eds., Cooperation and Drug Policies in the Americas: Trends in the Twenty‐First Century. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2014. Bibliography, index, 288 pp; hardcover $100, paperback $39.99, ebook $39.99. 相似文献
904.
Contrary to the conventional wisdom in the literature on United States foreign policy, there was no consensus within the George W. Bush Administration on the parallel between the reconstruction of Iraq and that of post-Second World War Germany and Japan. Systematic analysis of available sources shows that the decision-makers drew a large number of different historical analogies—73 in all. This analysis takes a fresh look at the use of analogies regarding Iraqi reconstruction. We divide the period of April 2003 to June 2008 into four phases, in each of which a different analogy predominates—Afghanistan, Germany and Japan, the Cold War, and Vietnam. Analysis of the analogies embraced by five distinct groups within the Administration’s decision-making team—nationalist hawks, neoconservatives, administrators of Iraq, realist internationalists and the president—clarifies the affinities and tensions amongst them. 相似文献
905.
906.
Efrén O. Pérez 《Political Behavior》2016,38(3):603-634
Growing evidence shows that mass opinion varies by interview language, yet modest theory exists to explain this result. I propose a framework where language impacts survey response by making some political concepts more mentally accessible. I claim that concepts vary by how associated they are with certain languages, which means people are more likely to acquire a construct when it is tied to the tongue one speaks. Hence, recalling concepts from memory should be easier when the language a construct is linked to matches the tongue one interviews in, thereby intensifying people’s opinions. I test my theory by manipulating the interview language in two U.S. surveys of English/Spanish bilingual Latino adults. I generally find that language influences the accessibility of concepts. For example, subjects report higher opinion levels for concepts that are tied more to their interview language, such as American identity among English interviewees. Subjects who interview in English are also less likely to refuse completing items measuring knowledge about U.S. politics, and more likely to answer them quickly. Items reflecting constructs that are highly labile (e.g. anti-Obama affect) or very crystallized (e.g., partisanship) do not display these patterns. I then rule out that language effects are mostly mediated by a heightened sense of anxiety, anger, pride or efficacy that emerges when bilingual subjects interview in one of their languages. 相似文献
907.
908.
Morgan Westéus 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2014,38(3):485-512
This paper focuses on settlement probabilities for different types of representation within the Swedish Labour Court. Empirical estimates on a set of cases concerned with unjust dismissals show that private representatives are generally less likely to reach a settlement than their union counterparts. The settlement probabilities converge following court-mandated information disclosure, which suggests that information asymmetry is an important factor in explaining differences in settlement behaviour and that private negotiations are not sufficient in general. 相似文献
909.
910.