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While there is a small body of research on service provision by groups that espouse a willingness to use violence, this research often is based on a presumption that service provision is used solely as a utilitarian tool to recruit members for political or violent activities. Through an examination of service provision by the Black Panther Party (BPP), the authors seek to problematize the utilitarian notion of service provision by reframing political activism, service, and violence as parallel acts of resistance serving similar purposes of countering oppression and healing communities. During field research in Oakland, California, extensive information was collected through interviews with former BPP members and recipients of BPP social services, as well as archival documents and audiovisual materials produced both about and by the BPP. The analysis explores several examples of the BPP offering free healthcare, breakfast, and education services. The data provide evidence that an organization that has been traditionally framed as militant not only acted rationally, but also provided an important defense for their community. Both their social service provision and their commitment to bear arms were viewed locally as acts of compassion, protection, and love.  相似文献   
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Conventional accounts of the Federal Convention of 1787 point to the many different compromises made at the convention, specifically the Great Compromise on representation and the Three‐Fifths Compromise on slavery. Often these compromises are treated as separate events, the result of deliberation leading to moderation of delegate positions (presumably among the key states of Massachusetts and North Carolina). However, by applying the techniques of roll‐call analysis, we find this traditional account is at best incomplete and probably misleading. While the Massachusetts delegation's behavior seems consistent with a moderation hypothesis, we find evidence that the other crucial vote for the Great Compromise—from North Carolina—is inconsistent with moderation, but can be linked through the agenda to the Three‐Fifths Compromise over slavery, taxation, and representation. We conclude by arguing that this reconsideration of some of the convention's key votes should cause political scientists and historians to reevaluate how they see the compromises at the convention.  相似文献   
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Abstract: Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) represent one of the most common modes of arbitrarily injuring or killing human beings. Because of the heat generated by, and destruction to, an IED postconflagration, most methods for identifying who assembled the device are ineffective. In the research presented, steel pipe bombs were mock‐assembled by volunteers, and the bombs detonated under controlled conditions. The resultant shrapnel was collected and swabbed for residual cellular material. Mitochondrial DNA profiles were generated and compared blind to the pool of individuals who assembled the bombs. Assemblers were correctly identified 50% of the time, while another 19% could be placed into a group of three individuals with shared haplotypes. Only one bomb was assigned incorrectly. In some instances a contaminating profile (mixture) was also observed. Taken together, the results speak to the extreme sensitivity the methods have for identifying those who assemble IEDs, along with precautions needed when collecting and processing such evidence.  相似文献   
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