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Stan C. Weeber 《国际比较与应用刑事审判杂志》2013,37(2):153-177
This paper provides a comparative sociological analysis of private armies in Colombia and the United States. Private armies in both nations have economic and political underpinnings. An ethic of economic inequality pervaded Colombian life and institutions since colonialism, creating a milieu for private armies to develop. The cocaine industry seized a historic moment in the weakness of the Colombian state, and private armies in their employ helped to manage the risks of cocaine production. Occasionally the armies were used for counterinsurgent purposes. Beyond this, a remarkable diversity of roles played by private armies was noted. In the United States, an ethic of equality provided the social milieu for legitimate private armies to appear. Militias enjoyed social status early on, but later were viewed as antidemocratic and authoritarian. Militia groups since 1865 focused attention upon internal threats first and later external ones. They did not get involved in an illegal business enterprise, and thus overall their social network was less complicated than their Colombian counterparts. Moreover, state power has limited their effectiveness and ability to gain mass appeal in the United States. In the 1990s, armies in both countries underwent change, and their situations became more complex. Diversity of roles played by the Colombian militias is highlighted during this period, while in the United States, militia ideologies were a complex mix of Constitutionalism and Christian Identity. 相似文献
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Among religious denominations in Romania, the dominant Orthodox Church has been the closest to the state, often positioning itself in opposition to the budding civil society. The prolonged negotiations for a location in downtown Bucharest suitable for the new Orthodox Cathedral for National Salvation best illustrate the interactions between different segments of the political class, the Orthodox Church, and a variety of civil society groups seeking to define the public space and the country's new democracy. They further illustrate how contesting actors use the recent past to define the politics of the present. 相似文献
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Stan Shernock Ph.D. 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》1998,13(2):87-99
This paper is about the meaning of police officers' support for the traditional socialization model of the quasi-military
stress academy and its effects on their attitudes toward outsiders and non-law enforcement functions. More specifically, it
examines consequences of quasi-military training on attitudes toward civilians in police departments, on serving minority
groups and the community, and on criticality ratings of job functions such as mediation, crime prevention and community policing.
Based on part of a larger job task survey conducted under the auspices of a state criminal justice training council, it includes
over 70 percent of all patrol officers and their first-line supervisors in a rural New England state. 相似文献
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