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71.
This paper generalizes the model of collective rent-seeking over a public good. Expanding the rent seeker's consumption bundle to include preferences over the public good and a private good, our results suggest collective rent-seeking is positively related to group size. Although free riding exists within a group, there is not a one-for-one tradeoff. In addition, rent seeking increases with wealth. Finally, total effort expended by both groups increases if either group increases in membership size, except in the case of an extremely lopsided contest. The key condition underlying these results is that the marginal utility of the public good is not inversely related to the private good. 相似文献
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73.
This paper describes and tests a model of radical personality based upon social psychological correlates of New Left ideology. Following methodological criticism of studies that portrayed radicals as psychologically liberated, a model of psychopolitical rebellion is described as an inverted form of authoritarian personality. This model was tested by administering projective psychological instruments to a large sample of American college students during 1971–73. As hypothesized, radicalism was associated with measures of power motivation, narcissim, self-assertive psychosocial orientation, lack of affiliative motivation, and perceptions of protest and militancy as sources of power. The developmental sources of rebellion are also examined, and the implications for studies of personality and politics are discussed.This study was supported by grants from the National Science Foundation (GS35307A1) and the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation. 相似文献
74.
Sandra Stanley Holton 《Women's history review》2013,22(3-4):365-384
Women Friends (or ‘Quakers’) were largely absent from the debates on the position of women in Britain in the 1830s-50s. But a significant group of women Quakers emerged at the forefront of organisations formed in the 1860s to campaign for Women's rights, participation in which was still by no means a norm among their co-religionists. A notable presence among them was a group of women Friends, identified here as the Bright circle, linked by kinship, religion and radical politics. This article analyses the relationship between public and private lives among the Bright circle, especially in terms of the strength of the political networks on which they were able to draw. It examines the church culture of Friends in general, the domestic culture of this circle in particular, and the basis of its networks in domestic life. It concludes that the values and activities on which this network was built illustrate the way in which personal and public lives may overlap, so that the women among this circle were able to sustain identities that were authoritative, and simultaneously family-centred, outward-looking and publiclyminded. 相似文献
75.
Linda R. Stanley Maria Leonora G. Comello Ruth W. Edwards Beverly S. Marquart 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(2):225-238
The primary purpose of our study was to explore the effects of rurality on school adjustment and other school-related variables.
Using data from 167,738 7th–12th graders located in a national sample of 185 predominantly white communities, multilevel models
were estimated for perceived school performance and school liking using a variety of individual-level (e.g., gender, ethnicity,
and peer school performance) and community/school-level variables (e.g., school size, rurality, and percentage free/reduced
lunch) as predictor variables. Rurality was not significantly related to school adjustment, but rather, the characteristics
of individuals living within those communities were. Results also indicated that participation in school and non-school activities,
a strength of rural schools, can play a positive role in school adjustment. Given the significant relationships of income
and parental education to all of the school-related variables, a key long-term strategy may lie in improving the economic
climate of rural areas.
相似文献
Linda R. StanleyEmail: |
76.
Andrew C. Stanley Dennis Willms Corinne Schuster-Wallace Susan Watt 《Development in Practice》2017,27(7):913-926
The guiding principle of Agenda 2030 is the commitment to “leave no one behind”. However, as the Millennium Development Goals experience has demonstrated, there remains a “rhetoric-implementation gap” where local stakeholders struggle to realistically respond to policies formulated at the global level. This article proposes a way forward for NGOs seeking to translate the rhetoric of Agenda 2030 into reality. It presents an integrated and multi-sectoral approach to meet the challenges of an NGO working to ameliorate the basic needs of women who are affected by HIV/AIDS and limited WaSH provisions in the impoverished rural community of Lyantonde, Uganda. 相似文献
77.
Sandra Stanley Holton 《澳大利亚女权主义者研究》1987,2(4):195-203
Margaret Foster, Significant Sisters. The Grassroots of Active Feminism 1839–1939 (Penguin Books) Harmondsworth, 1986; David Rubinstein, Before the Suffragettes. Women's Emancipation in the 1890s (Harvester Press) Brighton, 1986. 相似文献
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Stanley Bach 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2008,54(4):545-561
This essay explores the development of L.F. Crisp's understanding of the appropriate role of Australia's Senate in the national political system. A review of his widely‐used textbook over three decades reveals that, to Crisp, the Senate was conceived primarily to protect state interests, but that role was nullified almost immediately by the emergence of disciplined parties. Thereafter, the Senate usually was an ineffectual irrelevancy until the introduction of proportional representation transformed it into a threat to the constitutional system as it should operate. Crisp also appreciated that disciplined parties undermined effective control of government by the House of Representatives, yet he consistently failed to recognize in the Senate an institution capable of doing what the House of Representatives cannot: enforcing accountability on the government of the day. 相似文献