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311.
Thomas T. Holyoke Jeffrey R. Henig Heath Brown Natalie Lacireno-Paquet 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(1):33-55
Baumgartner and Jones (1993) showed how radically new policies emerge on government agendas as a consequence of exogenous shocks to policy subsystems displacing privileged interests. But how do these policies evolve post-punctuation? In this paper, we present three different models of policy change. Policies may revert to the old status quo if displaced interests re-assert themselves, or they may be “locked-in” by new interests now reaping the benefits. Alternatively, they may incrementally change as lawmakers “learn” how to better meet target population needs, particularly by witnessing how other jurisdictions address similar problems. We test these models with data on change in state charter schools laws over time. We find that whether old status quos are overthrow, and the fate of charter policies when they are enacted, is influenced more by competing political interests, especially interest groups, than elite and public perceptions of broad systemic crises. Yet, we also find that changing demands on the state and learning from the successes and failures of neighboring states also play significant roles. 相似文献
312.
Mary Kay Gugerty 《Policy Sciences》2009,42(3):243-273
This article examines the structure of nonprofit voluntary accountability and standard-setting programs, arguing that these
programs can be understood as collective action institutions designed to address information asymmetries between nonprofits
and their stakeholders. Club theory and the economics of certification suggest that such programs have the potential to provide
a signal of quality by setting high standards and fees and rigorously verifying compliance. Such mechanisms can signal quality
because higher participation costs may allow only high-quality organizations to join. The article examines the implications
of signaling theory using an original dataset on the structure of 32 nonprofit accountability programs across the globe. While
many programs set high standards for compliance, the key distinction between strong and weak programs is the use of disclosure
or verification mechanisms to enforce compliance. Contrary to theoretical expectations, compliance standards and verification
do not appear to be substitutes in creating stronger voluntary programs.
相似文献
Mary Kay GugertyEmail: |
313.
Social capital has attracted increasing attention in recent years. We use county-level and individual survey data to study how Wal-Mart affects social capital. Estimates using several proxies for social capital—such as club membership, religious activity, time with friends, and other measures—do not support the thesis that “Wal-Mart destroys communities” by reducing social capital. We measure exposure to Wal-Mart two ways: Wal-Marts per 10,000 residents and Wal-Marts per 10,000 residents aggregated over the years since 1979 to capture a more cumulative “Wal-Mart Effect.” We find that the coefficients on Wal-Mart’s presence are statistically insignificant in most specifications. 相似文献
314.
Daniel Callahan 《Society》2009,46(3):214-220
The idea of radically extending average human life expectancy is an ancient one, but for most of human history exceedingly
utopian. There is now, however, a revival of that idea, with some scientists and others arguing that it is possible and desirable.
But the main problem with most of the life extension enthusiasm is that it is based almost entirely on the desire of some
individuals to make it happen. The social consequences of success of such a venture are, however, either ignored altogether
or dismissed on the grounds that any problems can be dealt with. In the end, none of our present human and social problems
would be helped by radically longer lives and no obvious social benefits have been advanced to support it.
相似文献
Daniel CallahanEmail: |
315.
Roberto G. Gonzales 《Society》2009,46(5):419-422
Changes in immigration laws over the last three to four decades have given rise to unprecedented numbers of undocumented children.
However, as others have argued, policies regarding the control of undocumented migration have had deleterious effects on undocumented
children and their basic access to social rights. Undocumented youth in the United States can legally attend K-12 education,
but cannot legally work, vote, receive financial aid, or drive in most states. Their situation calls for a reexamination of
immigration laws and a recasting of the frame that has been used to promote their inclusion.
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
Roberto G. GonzalesEmail: |
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
316.
317.
Dominique Schnapper 《Society》2009,46(2):175-179
Modern democracies increasingly confuse civic or political equality with a radical relativism that calls into question legitimate
principles of hierarchy and the very idea of reasonable value judgments. This confusion reflects a “corruption,” in Montesquieu’s
sense, of democracy rooted in a refusal to recognize distinctions that are integral to both human nature and social life.
A moderate form of cultural relativism is a genuine intellectual achievement that helps combat ethnocentrism and allows one
to better appreciate the full range of human experience. But criteria of meaning and truth are by no means entirely dependent
upon cultural context. Our contemporary awareness of the “relativity” of cultures and historical experiences must be complemented
by a robust appreciation of the universality of Reason and citizenship.
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
Dominique SchnapperEmail: |
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
318.
Russell Jacoby 《Society》2009,46(1):38-44
Over twenty years ago my book The Last Intellectuals put into circulation the phrase “public intellectual.” The term unexpectedly enjoyed great success. It encapsulated a new
division between a professional or academic intellectual focused on his or her specialty and an intellectual orientated to
a larger public. The former tend to disappear into the university, while they latter write for the educated public. In the
twenty years since its publication, my book has been sharply challenged. Moreover the emergence of African-American and women
intellectuals, and well as new developments such as Internet, have possibly undermined my thesis. Yet these phenomena amount
to revisions, not refutations, of my thesis. Moreover the role of intellectuals in France and Germany suggest that the same
process of academization is taking place in other advanced industrial nations. What is called for is not nostalgia or its
opposite, a celebration of everything that happens, but a consideration of the real shifts that affect the lives and work
of intellectuals.
相似文献
Russell JacobyEmail: |
319.
Howard L. Kaye 《Society》2009,46(3):237-239
As Leon Kass has noted, the conquest of illness and death has long been “the unstated but implicit goal of modern medical
science.” But it is unstated no more. Since the late 1990s, a new generation of scientists and enthusiasts has emerged to
proclaim the feasibility and desirability of radical life extension. What they promise is not just longer life, better health,
and heightened vitality, but a transformation of ourselves into the sort of beings we have long wished to be, but have repeatedly
failed to become: beings who are completely fulfilled and living in perfect harmony with others. Despite the obvious and profound
appeal of such a fantasy, attempts to realize it, even if successful scientifically, might prove to be disastrous culturally,
for reasons that go beyond concerns about the alteration of existing social structures. Ultimately, as Freud argued, life
might well become stagnant, “shallow and empty,” while the fear of death might become all the more crippling.
相似文献
Howard L. KayeEmail: |
320.
This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
相似文献
Simran SinghEmail: |