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Three programs for computer microcalculators "Elektronika MK-52", "Elektronika MK-54", "Elektronika MK-56", "Elektronika MK-61", and "Elektronika BZ-34" were studied. The first program allows one to calculate degree of substance extraction and rate of its distribution between two liquid unmixing phases; the second program is used for calculations on substance distribution in the organs of laboratory animals; the third program helps to calculate specific and molar rates of light absorption. Programs may be used in mathematical processing of results obtained in scientific research. 相似文献
154.
Robert E. Stein 《New Political Science》2017,39(2):241-262
Peter Matthiessen’s novel Shadow Country offers a fictionalized account of the life of real-life character Edgar Watson. Matthiessen’s portrayal illustrates Jack Turner’s argument in Awakening to Race that atomistic individualism both justifies an individual’s success as a product of that person’s hard work and masks the racial inequality on which that success is actually predicated. Turner advocates an “awakening to race” as an important step toward replacing atomistic individualism with democratic individualism in American society. Matthiessen’s work deepens Turner’s analysis by showing that the whiteness of Watson’s atomistic individualism is inflected by masculinity. Further, Matthiessen depicts the difficulty of awakening to race for many white Americans. The Edgar Watson narrative serves to show that while closing one’s eyes to race may appear to be an advantage for most white people, not awakening to race actually exacts a devastating psychological tax. That kind of insight, which approaching political theory through literature affords, may help white Americans circumvent psychological mechanisms of denial and acknowledge the difficult history of their country. 相似文献
155.
Stein Ringen 《Society》2011,48(1):12-16
Mainstream political science on democracy has been criticised for ‘regime bias’. This has led political scientists to draw
on a narrow range of democratic theory that considers democratic potential only at the cost of ignoring democratic purpose,
to ignore other units of observation than the regime, notably the individual citizen, and to overlook advances in measurement
theory. A robust normative account of democratic quality, it is argued, should rest on three foundations. First, measurement
should start with observations of the regime. No account of democratic quality should be considered valid without an account
of the degree of democracy in the regime. This analysis should be grounded in standard democratic theory. Secondly, the measurement
effort should follow through to observations of how the potential in the regime is manifested in the lives of citizens. No
account of democratic quality should be considered valid without an account of how well the system delivers for citizens.
This analysis should be grounded in a theory of the purpose of democracy. Thirdly, pronouncements on democratic quality should
finally be made only from some combination or index of information from both systems analysis and individual analysis. That
combined analysis should be grounded in measurement theory, specifically the law of methodological individualism and the principle
of double book-keeping. 相似文献
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