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61.
Concerns over rising college tuition and slow economic growth have brought renewed attention to the role of federal and state financial aid programs in opening access to education. Despite a large body of literature examining the effects of grant aid on four‐year and public two‐year college enrollment, for‐profit colleges—particularly the vast majority that offer two‐year degrees and certificates—have largely been ignored. Using panel data methods and a new administrative data set of for‐profit colleges operating in California between 1989 and 2003, I assess the impact of the federal Pell Grant program, the G.I. Bill, and California's Cal Grant program on the net number of for‐profit colleges per county. The results suggest that for both Pell and Cal Grants, increases in the per‐student maximum award encourage for‐profit entry. This relationship is particularly strong in counties with high adult poverty levels, where more students are eligible for aid. Further, these gains in the private sector do not appear to come at the expense of the public sector. Rather, public community colleges also experience enrollment gains as the generosity of Pell and Cal Grants increases, although this reaction appears to be weaker than the reaction of for‐profits. © 2010 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.  相似文献   
62.
As climate change continues to increase both the frequency and intensity of environmental hazards and disasters, the need for a cohesive national mitigation policy grows. As the environmental federalism scholarship indicates, the inherent tension in federal, state, and local policy implementation highlights that despite a national need, environmental quality is a local public good. To complicate matters, there is disagreement about the optimal level of decision-making regarding the adoption and implementation of environmental policy. This study addresses this gap by considering the role of policy ambiguity and conflict in policy implementation. The analysis relies on primary qualitative data collected from open-ended interviews with 22 local government officials in 12 municipalities following Hurricane Harvey. Through the lens of policy ambiguity and conflict, we find confirmatory support for the idea that policies with less ambiguous goals are more likely to be implemented. Furthermore, we find that policy conflict arises when local governments perceive there is little for the community to gain by implementing the federal program. Thus, the level of protection afforded to citizens varies greatly between communities and is influenced heavily by politics. This research supports the Ambiguity-Conflict Model of policy implementation, an oft-cited but rarely tested theoretical framework for assessing the intergovernmental politics of policy implementation. It also demonstrates the barriers to local implementation of federal environmental policy in a nested system of government.  相似文献   
63.
Personality, psychopathology, and motives of 44 surviving offenders committing mass murder in Germany over 25 years (1984–2009) were analyzed using court files and psychiatric expertises. Initially, 123 mass murders in Germany were detected in the time period 1980–2010 (inclusive deceased offenders). Using a data entry form based on ViCLAS (Violent Crime Linkage Analysis System), we categorized the 44 surviving mass murderers into three prototypes using the ‘TwoStep Cluster’-method (separation of the offenders in different groups depending on their similarity of specific items): 1. Narcissistic or aggressive men suffering from addiction or affective disorder, committing mass murder out of rage/hate when being intoxicated by alcohol, 2. Psychotic offenders with schizophrenia and comorbid substance abuse. 3. Aggressive, narcissistic or anxious adolescents, half of them suffering from affective disorder or ADHD, committing mass murder out of rage/hate. Not included are such events where the offenders died and therefore no court files or psychiatric expertises were available. Classification and subtyping of the offenders’ personalities and psychopathological conditions might help to improve the chances for an early detection of persons at risk.  相似文献   
64.
The identification of potential child maltreatment using reliable and valid screening instruments is of particular importance in high risk populations. The current study investigates the psychometric properties of the Brief Child Abuse Potential (BCAP) Inventory in mothers enrolled in opioid substitution therapy. The BCAP Risk Abuse scale had strong internal reliability. Comparisons between valid and invalid protocols (≥ 4 on the Lie scale, > 1 Random Responding) failed to find systematic differences across most variables although those with a faking good profile had significantly lower scores on psychological well being. A six-factor solution was obtained and was conceptually strong. Subsequent analyses suggested Rigidity may be an independent subscale that needs further investigation. These results add further evidence for the potential utility of the BCAP as a measure of child abuse potential. Replication studies are needed to ascertain whether the subscales derived have convergent and predictive utility.  相似文献   
65.
We employ a rational choice framework to understand the conditions under which sex traffickers allow their victims access to telecommunications devices while under their control. We posit that sex traffickers are rational actors who make calculated decisions regarding whether to allow their victims access to the Internet and cell phones. We hypothesize that sex traffickers allow younger victims and those they did not defraud in the recruitment process greater access to telecommunications devices because these decisions maximize their payoffs with minimal risk. However, we hypothesize that younger victims’ access to telecommunications devices is conditional on whether they have been defrauded in recruitment. In order to test these hypotheses, we deployed a survey to 115 victims of sex trafficking in the United States to learn about how they were recruited by their sex trafficker and the level of access they had to technology while under their sex trafficker's control. We find support for all of our hypotheses. The results have serious implications for criminal justice policy and practice.  相似文献   
66.
In 2017, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared that whichever country becomes the leader in artificial intelligence (AI) “will become the ruler of the world.” Yet Russia lags competitors like China and the United States substantially in AI capabilities. What is Russia's strategy for boosting development of AI technologies, and what role do groups within the Russian elite play in shaping this strategy? Russia's AI development strategy is unique in that it is led not by the government, nor by the private sector, but by state-owned firms. The government's distrust of Russia's largest tech firm, Yandex, has sidelined the company from national AI planning. Meanwhile, Russia's defense conglomerate Rostec publicly appears to focus less on artificial intelligence than on other high-tech priorities. As a result, Russia's AI development has been left to a state-owned bank, Sberbank, which has taken the lead in devising plans for government-backed investment in AI.  相似文献   
67.
This article addresses the potential for food movements to bring about substantive changes to the current global food system. After describing the current corporate food regime, we apply Karl Polanyi's 'double-movement' thesis on capitalism to explain the regime's trends of neoliberalism and reform. Using the global food crisis as a point of departure, we introduce a comparative analytical framework for different political and social trends within the corporate food regime and global food movements, characterizing them as 'Neoliberal', 'Reformist', 'Progressive', and 'Radical', respectively, and describe each trend based on its discourse, model, and key actors, approach to the food crisis, and key documents. After a discussion of class, political permeability, and tensions within the food movements, we suggest that the current food crisis offers opportunities for strategic alliances between Progressive and Radical trends within the food movement. We conclude that while the food crisis has brought a retrenchment of neoliberalization and weak calls for reform, the worldwide growth of food movements directly and indirectly challenge the legitimacy and hegemony of the corporate food regime. Regime change will require sustained pressure from a strong global food movement, built on durable alliances between Progressive and Radical trends.  相似文献   
68.
Despite numerous instrumental achievements, canines are still considered the most effective field method for explosive detection. However, due to strict explosive regulations and safety requirements, it can be a challenge for agencies with "bomb dogs" to train using neat explosive materials. This establishes a need for non-explosive canine training aids with the same volatile component profiles as the explosives that they represent. In order to compare mimic materials to their explosive counterparts, a technique must be established that not only allows for identification of volatile compounds but also can monitor changes in the headspace profile over time with respect to time and temperature. The Automated Training Aid Simulation using SPME (or ATASS) was developed for that purpose. As described, ATASS was used to observe changes in the volatile profile of three explosives (Composition C-4, 2,4-dinitrotoluene (DNT), and triacetone triperoxide (TATP)) and respective prototype training materials (0.1% by mass C-4, 1% by mass 2,4-DNT, and 1% by mass TATP). Samples were prepared in vials and metal tins within a gallon (≈ 3785 mL) paint can to simulate common field techniques for canine training. Monitoring these materials in real time provides a better understanding of the major volatile components present and how the relative abundances of these components can change over time. The results presented indicate that ATASS successfully allows for a sufficient comparison between explosive and non-explosive training materials.  相似文献   
69.
A considerable number of individuals show resistance to reform, whereas others, although similarly affected, do not react in a resistant way at all. Based on research showing that people differ concerning how sensitive they are toward being a victim of injustice (victim justice sensitivity), we argued that people high in victim justice sensitivity perceive a reform more as an illegitimate limitation to their freedom resulting in more reactance. Consequently, people high in victim justice sensitivity should show more resistance to reform. We conducted three studies to test these assumptions. Our studies revealed that physicians (healthcare reform, Study 1) and students (introduction of tuition fees, Studies 2 and 3) with higher victim justice sensitivity experienced more reactance and thus showed more resistance to reform. The implications of these results for the implementation of political reforms are discussed.  相似文献   
70.
Should counselors with interpersonal trauma histories work with similarly traumatized clients? How does the work affect them? Current research is inconsistent. This study examines 101 sexual assault and domestic violence counselors' recalled motivations for trauma work, their reported subjective personal changes, and their secondary and vicarious trauma symptoms and burnout. Counselors motivated by interpersonal trauma report both more symptoms and positive changes (including dealing with their own trauma). Those seeking personal meaning report becoming more hypervigilant and self-isolating. Those saying they learned from clients rate symptoms lower, suggesting stress inoculation. Supervisors of trauma counselors should facilitate learning from clients separately from processing the counselor's trauma.  相似文献   
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