The Introduction of Voter Registration and Its Effect on Turnout

David M. Konisky Department of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 77 Massachusetts Avenue, Room E53-386, Cambridge, MA 02139 e-mail: sda{at}mit.edu e-mail: konisky{at}mit.edu (corresponding author) Studies of voter turnout across states find that those withmore facilitative registration laws have higher turnout rates.Eliminating registration barriers altogether is estimated toraise voter participation rates by up to 10%. This article presentspanel estimates of the effects of introducing registration thatexploits changes in registration laws and turnout within states.New York and Ohio imposed registration requirements on all oftheir counties in 1965 and 1977, respectively. We find thatthe introduction of registration to counties that did not previouslyrequire registration decreased participation over the long termby three to five percentage points. Though significant, thisis lower than estimates of the effects of registration fromcross-sectional studies and suggests that expectations aboutthe effects of registration reforms on turnout may be overstated.     

Institutional influences on business power: how ‘privileged’ is the Business Council of Australia?

• This paper explores the institutional and political dynamics of the Business Council of Australia (BCA), a unique form of big business association which relies on the active involvement of its one hundred or so CEO members. The paper argues that associations such as the BCA confront a range of serious institutional problems in their attempts to wield political power, or more modestly perhaps, policy influence. First, they confront a disconnect between ‘structural’ and ‘instrumentalist’ articulations of business power. The key source of business power resides in business control over the economy and the investment process, a form of power wielded at the company level not at the level of business associations. When engaged in instrumentalist or overt forms of political activism, the BCA also confronts serious collective action problems. It is also argued that the influence of the BCA seems to have declined over time and that this can partly be traced back to declining CEO commitment rooted in changing institutional and structural dynamics in the corporate world.

Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

A quantitative method for estimation of volume changes in arachnoid foveae with age

Age-related changes of arachnoid foveae have been described, but objective, quantitative analyses are lacking. A new quantitative method is presented for estimation of change in total volume of arachnoid foveae with age. The pilot sample consisted of nine skulls from the Palmer Anatomy Laboratory. Arachnoid foveae were filled with sand, which was extracted using a vacuum pump. Mass was determined with an analytical balance and converted to volume. A reliability analysis was performed using intraclass correlation coefficients. The method was found to be highly reliable (intraobserver ICC = 0.9935, interobserver ICC = 0.9878). The relationship between total volume and age was then examined in a sample of 63 males of accurately known age from the Hamann-Todd collection. Linear regression analysis revealed no statistically significant relationship between total volume and age, or foveae frequency and age (alpha = 0.05). Development of arachnoid foveae may be influenced by health factors, which could limit its usefulness in aging.     

Extent, trends, and perpetrators of prostitution-related homicide in the United States

Prostitute women have the highest homicide victimization rate of any set of women ever studied. We analyzed nine diverse homicide data sets to examine the extent, trends, and perpetrators of prostitution-related homicide in the United States. Most data sources substantially under-ascertained prostitute homicides. As estimated from a conservative capture-recapture analysis, 2.7% of female homicide victims in the United States between 1982 and 2000 were prostitutes. Frequencies of recorded prostitute and client homicides increased substantially in the late 1980s and early 1990s; nearly all of the few observed pimp homicides occurred before the late 1980s. These trends may be linked to the rise of crack cocaine use. Prostitutes were killed primarily by clients, clients were killed mainly by prostitutes, and pimps were killed predominantly by pimps. Another conservative estimate suggests that serial killers accounted for 35% of prostitute homicides. Proactive surveillance of, and evidence collection from, clients and prostitutes might enhance the investigation of prostitution-related homicide.     

Suicidal asphyxiation by inhalation of automobile emission without carbon monoxide poisoning

Reported herein is the suicidal asphyxiation of a young man due to exhaustion of oxygen in the interior of a sealed automobile into which the exhaust emissions were diverted. His blood carboxyhemaglobin concentration was less than 5% saturation. The car was equipped with a catalytic converter and when tested, the exhaust carbon monoxide concentration was 0.01%.     

Non-competitive elections and national politics: The USSR Supreme Soviet elections of 1984

Elections to the ‘eleventh convocation’ of the USSR Supreme Soviet took place on 4 March 1984. The process by which the elections took place is examined in detail, from the calling of the election on 16 December 1983, through the nomination, approval and registration of the candidates, to the pre-election meetings with constituents and the poll itself. The level of turnout (99.99 per cent) and the vote in favour of the single list of candidates (99.94 and 99.95 per cent respectively for the two chambers) were in each case the highest in Soviet history; they must, however, be adjusted for the use of ‘absentee certificates’ and an apparent increase in the number of citizens not recorded on the electoral register. Elections without choice, as in the USSR. are not necessarily elections without political significance. Soviet elections appear in fact to perform at least three important functions: legitimation; political communication between regime and citizenry; and political mobilization and socialization. Given the increasing economic difficulties they are likely to face in the later 1980s and beyond, the Soviet authorities may be expected to make even more use of such mechanisms in the future in order to secure acceptance of their decisions without resort to overtly coercive means.     

Some relationships between sociopolitical ideology and moral character among college youth

This report is intended to clarify the relationship, observed in studies using Kohlberg's moral character model, between the character of college youth and their ideology. With a student sample, measures of three of Hogan's dimensions of moral character (moral judgment, socialization, and empathy) were correlated with sociopolitical ideology defined in terms of several indices of liberalismconservatism. Only the moral judgment dimension (ethics of social responsibility vs. ethics of personal conscience) as measured by Hogan 's Survey of Ethical Attitudes was related to ideology. These results indicate that in accordance with an ethics of responsibility, conservatives have a greater respect for the utility of rules in regulating human conduct and a greater tendency to attribute blame to the individual rather than the societal environment. The study provided no evidence to support conservative charges that radical youth possess delinquent predispositions or liberal and radical claims that conservatives are less concerned about the welfare of others.The research reported in this article was supported by a Faculty Research Fellowship awarded to the author for the summer of 1974 by the Research Foundation of the State University of New York.Received Ph.D. in 1973 from the Department of Psychology at The Johns Hopkins University. Major areas of interest are social psychology and the psychology of social issues.     

The political practice of genetic epistemology

Genetic epistemology is sometimes taken by those unfamiliar with it as a justification for a meritocracy of moral reasoning and the continued oppression of people employing reasoning at lower stages than those who seek to perpetuate the oppression. Whether this interpretation is praised or reviled, it remains erroneous. In particular, this misunderstanding is applied to attempts by genetic epistemologists to apply its insights to the construction of the larger social world. However, a genetic-epistemological politics is really characterized by a concern for maintaining systems permitting free discourse among moral agents. This article outlines the nature of the erroneous interpretations and discusses genetic epistemology's proper application to politics. Stephen chilton is assistant professor of political science at the University of Minnesota at Duluth, where he specializes in conceptual analysis in the fields of comparative politics and political psychology. He is the author ofDefining Political Development (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1988);Grounding Political Development (Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991); and (with Shawn Rosenberg and Dana Ward) ofPolitical Reasoning and Cognition: A Piagetian View (Duke University Press, 1988).