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This study investigates the absence of substantive linkages between locally based Salafi Jihadist movements and their more transnational counterparts such as Al-Qaeda or ISIS. While studies have addressed the heterogeneity in Jihadi alliances, the question of why inter-Jihadi ties are completely absent or tenuous at times is under-theorized in the literature. Given ISIS’s recent inexorable advance through the Middle East and North Africa and its ever-growing ties with local Jihadists, it is timely to investigate under what conditions locally based militant Islamists are less likely to forge ties with global Jihadists. Using the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF)—a militant Islamist group in the Ugandan-Congolese borderland—as an illustrative case study, the research sheds light on conditions under which inter-Jihadi ties are less likely. These include the extent of ideological divergence between local and global Jihadists, the degree of relevance to the local community, and the fear of attracting new enemies in the form of more stringent counter-terrorism operations.  相似文献   
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Biological evidence analysis from contact traces is adversely affected by low quantity and quality of DNA. Proteins in these samples contain potentially individualizing information and may be particularly important for difficult surfaces such as brass, where DNA may yield incomplete profiles. In this study, touched unfired brass cartridges were sampled using dry tape or wet swabs and analyzed by separating DNA and protein from the same collected material, thus producing both genomic and proteomic information. DNA recovery was similar for both collection methods, with tape yielding an average of 1.36 ± 1.87 ng and swabs, 1.34 ± 3.04 ng. Analysis by mass spectrometry identified 95 proteins, with the two collection methods showing no significant difference (= 0.76) in the average number of collected proteins: 44.5 ± 10.9, (tape) versus 47.9 ± 20.4 (swabs). Proteins can be collected from fingerprints at levels necessary to provide identifying information, thus expanding information obtained from challenging evidence.  相似文献   
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The concept of national security is based on the need to maintain the safety and security of the population. In 1957, the Soviet Union was the first state to threaten this safety in space with the launch of Sputnik. Although Sputnik did not pose a credible threat, it was perceived as such by the Western world. As the space race intensified in the 1960s, efforts were made to prevent the development and use of space weapons. With the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, space weapons were effectively made unlawful, with signatories agreeing to forgo these expensive technologies. However, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, factors and efforts are beginning to converge that indicate the inevitability of space weaponization. Based on a new concept of technological development, this article proposes that as technology advances, space weaponization not only is likely, but indeed is inevitable in the near future. Grounded in the competing theories of technological determinism and social constructivism, I offer a new theory that incorporates both and introduces new components to analyze a near-future technological timeline for space weapons. I argue that the development of these weapons is inevitable and should therefore be accelerated in the United States, given the country's position as the lone superpower, to command and control the space commons. If the United States leads this drive for development, then in the end, as with thermonuclear weapons, space weapons will make the world more, not less, secure, and will contribute to the spread of democratic peace and globalized capitalism.  相似文献   
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