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Dominic Tierney Author Vitae 《Orbis》2010,54(1):130-145
For centuries, the issue of American hostages and POWs has had incredible emotional and political resonance. Driven by a combination of idealism, wrath, and concerns over reputation, the status of captive Americans can become a national obsession. While deeply moral in many respects, this intense focus can encourage risky rescue operations, deepen conflicts, and lead to more Americans being captured abroad. Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan both suffered grave political damage from hostage crises, and the recent capture of an American by Somali pirates highlights the continued danger that a hostage crisis could overshadow the presidency of Barack Obama. U.S. officials should publicly downplay the issue of hostages and POWs, and work quietly behind the scenes to free the men and women concerned. 相似文献
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Existing research has uncovered little evidence against the hypothesis of US crime rates being unit root processes, despite
the uncomfortable implications of this assumption. In light of this, the present paper draws upon noted changes in the temporal
patterns of US crime rates since 1960 to undertake an informed approach to testing of the unit root hypothesis which incorporates
two potential points of structural change. The results obtained show the unit root hypothesis to be rejected for all classifications
of criminal activity examined over the period 1960 to 2007. In addition, the dates of the detected breakpoints are supported
by a variety of arguments available in the existing criminology literature concerning alternative determinants of crime and
their movements. Interestingly, a difference is observed in the nature of the breaks detected for violent and property crimes.
However, potential explanations for this are again found in theoretical arguments available in the criminology literature.
Finally, the implications of the current findings for the properties of crime, its subsequent statistical analysis and past
and future research are discussed. 相似文献
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Harvey Sicherman Author Vitae 《Orbis》2011,55(3):463-471
939.
Scholars have variously queried the existence of the Anglo-American “special relationship,” consigned it to history as “special no more,” or demanded that Britain choose between its European and American relationships. These critiques have become increasingly prevalent since the Cold War. Yet the current British government, like many before it, continues to portray a choice between America and Europe as a “false choice,” and the “special relationship” has arguably deepened in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks. This article contends that international diplomatic history can contribute much to understanding the “Lazarus-like” quality of the “special relationship.” Specifically it argues that a number of critical continuities in post-World War II British foreign policy survived the end of the Cold War and have since contributed heavily to the determination of the British foreign policymaking elite to maintain the “special relationship” at the same time that Britain pursues a leadership role within Europe. 相似文献
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