首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   8319篇
  免费   216篇
各国政治   427篇
工人农民   247篇
世界政治   595篇
外交国际关系   346篇
法律   5053篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   24篇
政治理论   1745篇
综合类   97篇
  2020年   84篇
  2019年   111篇
  2018年   160篇
  2017年   169篇
  2016年   199篇
  2015年   137篇
  2014年   157篇
  2013年   934篇
  2012年   223篇
  2011年   233篇
  2010年   176篇
  2009年   192篇
  2008年   226篇
  2007年   227篇
  2006年   219篇
  2005年   177篇
  2004年   183篇
  2003年   189篇
  2002年   195篇
  2001年   331篇
  2000年   293篇
  1999年   233篇
  1998年   97篇
  1997年   121篇
  1996年   96篇
  1995年   93篇
  1994年   107篇
  1993年   95篇
  1992年   169篇
  1991年   191篇
  1990年   165篇
  1989年   185篇
  1988年   163篇
  1987年   152篇
  1986年   177篇
  1985年   134篇
  1984年   143篇
  1983年   135篇
  1982年   86篇
  1981年   82篇
  1980年   60篇
  1979年   114篇
  1978年   66篇
  1977年   67篇
  1976年   57篇
  1975年   71篇
  1974年   84篇
  1973年   78篇
  1972年   67篇
  1971年   60篇
排序方式: 共有8535条查询结果,搜索用时 500 毫秒
831.
832.
833.
834.
One long‐recognized consequence of the tension between popular sovereignty and democratic values like liberty and equality is public opinion backlash, which occurs when individuals recoil in response to some salient event. For decades, scholars have suggested that opinion backlash impedes policy gains by marginalized groups. Public opinion research, however, suggests that widespread attitude change that backlash proponents theorize is likely to be rare. Examining backlash against gays and lesbians using a series of online and natural experiments about marriage equality, and large‐sample survey data, we find no evidence of opinion backlash among the general public, by members of groups predisposed to dislike gays and lesbians, or from those with psychological traits that may predispose them to lash back. The important implication is that groups pursuing rights should not be dissuaded by threats of backlash that will set their movement back in the court of public opinion.  相似文献   
835.
836.
Many negotiation courses and executive training programs cover the subject of bargaining styles. The Thomas-Kilmann Conflict Mode Instrument (TKI) is a commonly used psychological assessment tool that helps students and teachers probe this topic. The TKI measures the five conflict management facets proposed by the Dual Concerns Model: competing, collaborating, compromising, accommodating, and avoiding. The author has used the TKI extensively in teaching executives about bargaining styles, and discusses the strengths and weaknesses of it as a teaching aid. He also presents research on the frequency with which various TKI scores are reported in business programs. Finally, he provides thumbnail sketches of typical bargaining behavior exhibited by people with very strong and very weak predispositions for each of the five conflict modes. Some implications of these behaviors for specific professional audiences are explored.  相似文献   
837.
The objective of this paper is to determine the effects of farm tractorisation on output and human labour employment on Punjab farms in India. The residts seem to suggest that, this far, the use of tractors has resulted in higher output and more employment. The authors believe that the threat from farm tractorisation is not all that great; the use of tractors is likely to be confined to certain areas only, and there too, any displacement of labour should be possible to control through appropriate public policies.  相似文献   
838.
History in Three Keys: The Boxers as Event, Experience, and Myth, by Paul A. Cohen. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. Pp.xviii + 249. £27.95/US$34.50 (hardback); US$18.50 (paperback). ISBN 0 231 10650 5 and 10651 3

On the one hand, the Boxers have been condemned as a product of uncivilised, irrational, superstitious anti‐foreignism among the common people. On the other, the Boxers are praised as patriotic anti‐imperialists. This latter characterisation remains the prevailing view not only in current Chinese writings but also in some recent Western accounts. While not denying the unsettling impact of certain aspects of foreign imperialism at the end of the nineteenth century, it is argued here that greater emphasis must be placed on the endogenous factors that gave rise to the Boxer Movement. In its broadest sense, the movement was a multi‐stranded and complex response to mounting internal and external pressures. A careful analysis of this conjuncture of factors will provide a more satisfactory explanation for the fateful events of 1898–1900.  相似文献   
839.
840.
Abstract

The postmodern turn which has so marked social and cultural theory also involves conflicts between modern and postmodern politics. In this study, we articulate the differences between modern and postmodern politics and argue against one‐sided positions which dogmatically reject one tradition or the other in favor of partisanship for either the modern or the postmodern. Arguing for a politics of alliance and solidarity, we claim that this project is best served by drawing on the most progressive elements of both the modern and postmodern traditions. Developing a new politics involves overcoming the limitations of certain versions of modern politics and postmodern identity politics in order to develop a politics of alliance and solidarity equal to the challenges of the coming millennium.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号