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991.
992.
Mitchell Dean 《Economy and Society》2013,42(1):37-61
This paper examines the intelligibility of authoritarian measures within Foucauldian analyses of the liberal government of the state. Such measures are understood as following from a liberal understanding of the task of government itself. This understanding rests on a distinction between the legal and political order (of 'the state') and a 'liberal police' of what is exterior to it, classically conceived as 'civil society'. The relation between these two aspects is conceived as a series of 'foldings' between the two sides of a liberal governing, which turn the injunction to govern through freedom into a set of binding obligations potentially or actually enforceable by coercive or sovereign instruments. The paper places this perspective within aspects of the genealogies of economy, poverty, welfare and police and discusses the trajectories of such foldings in the present. 相似文献
993.
Research on procedural justice has found that processes that allow people voice (i.e., input) are perceived as fairer, and thus elicit more positive reactions, than processes that do not allow people voice. Original theorizing attributed these effects to beliefs that the provision of voice enhances people’s sense of process control, which people were assumed to value because it impacts their perceived likelihood of receiving desired outcomes (the instrumental perspective of procedural justice). Subsequent research questioned this perspective, arguing that outcome expectations do not account for the effects of voice. However, this subsequent research failed to directly examine the interplay of voice, outcome expectations, and reactions. The current studies revisit and extend research on this topic by asking whether manipulations of voice act as shared circumstance effects. Confirming an untested implication of the instrumental perspective, we show that giving everyone voice increases their belief, ex-ante, that they are likely to win an upcoming competition. However, this instrumental belief accounts for only part of the effects of voice on perceived procedural fairness and on general reactions to outcomes. Results suggest that voice does indeed have instrumental significance, an implication not adequately recognized in current justice theorizing. However, this instrumentality does not, by itself, explain why people value having a voice in processes that affect them. 相似文献
994.
Steven A King 《The History of the Family》2013,18(1):21-43
English research on protoindustrial communities in general and the protoindustrial family in particular has fallen somewhat behind that in many continental countries. Constrained by inadequate sources and a historiographical literature that has constantly placed the small and simple nuclear unit at the heart of English residential arrangements, English historians have often seen the protoindustrial family as little different in form and function from those to be observed in rural areas or market towns. This article uses sources generated by the English poor law to offer different perspectives. Focusing on Lancashire, as the protoindustrial phase of its development began to truly break down in the early 19th century, the article suggests that the English protoindustrial family was volatile in form and size and that the nature of underlying protoindustrial demography and the communal welfare system provided a powerful impetus to a process that saw the constant redistribution of kin between related households. It concludes that in Lancashire the expectation among protoindustrial families must have been volatility and that complex families rather than simple nuclear families have long held the English imagination. 相似文献
995.
Steven C. Calhoun 《European Security》2013,22(3):62-86
The Bases of New Relations Between Montenegro and Serbia proposed by the ruling coalition of Milo Djukanovic is a dramatic change from the federal structure laid out in the 1992 Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Constitution. The Bases of New Relations is Montenegro's attempt to shut out Milosevic, distance Montenegro from Serbia while avoiding civil strife, and lead the republic toward European integration. Largely viewed as a dead letter, the Bases of New Relations still stands as a concrete example of Podgorica's goals. 相似文献
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Steven Glazerman Daniel Mayer Paul Decker 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2006,25(1):75-96
This paper reports on a randomized experiment to study the impact of an alternative teacher preparation program, Teach for America (TFA), on student achievement and other outcomes. We found that TFA teachers had a positive impact on math achievement and no impact on reading achievement. The size of the impact on math scores was about 15 percent of a standard deviation, equivalent to about one month of instruction. The general conclusions did not differ substantially for subgroups of teachers, including novice teachers, or for subgroups of students. We found no impacts on other student outcomes such as attendance, promotion, or disciplinary incidents, but TFA teachers were more likely to report problems with student behavior than were their peers. The findings contradict claims that such programs allowing teachers to bypass the traditional route to the classroom harm students. © 2006 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management 相似文献
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Heather Mitchell Michael G. Aamodt Ph.D. 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》2005,20(1):40-47
Fifty serial killers who murdered for the primary goal of attaining sexual gratification, termed lust killers, were studied
to determine the prevalence of childhood abuse. Information regarding the childhood abuse sustained by each killer was obtained
primarily from biographical books, newspaper articles, and online sites. Abuse was categorized into physical abuse, sexual
abuse, psychological abuse, and neglect and was then compared to societal norms from 2001. Abuse of all types excluding neglect
was significantly higher in the serial killer population. For serial killers, the prevalence of physical abuse was 36%; sexual
abuse was 26%; and psychological abuse was 50%. Neglect was equally prevalent in the serial killer (18%) and societal norm
populations. 相似文献