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941.
942.
In order to move beyond the existing push/pull framework to understand disengagement, we apply a systematic coding scheme derived from Mayer and colleagues' integrative model of organizational trust to examine why people leave extremist groups. In doing so, we also rely on in-depth life history interviews with twenty former left- and right-wing extremists to examine whether antecedents of distrust vary between the two groups. Findings suggest substantial similarities and important differences between left- and right-wing extremists' decision to leave. In particular, perceptions of poor planning and organization, low-quality personnel and vindictive behavior generate perceptions of organizational distrust and disillusionment. Although findings from the current study are based on a relatively small sample, notable similarities were identified between both groups regarding sources of distrust (e.g., leaders, group members). We also identified differences regarding the role of violence in weakening solidarity and nurturing disillusionment with extremist activities. We conclude this article with suggestions for future research that extend the study of terrorism and that may have significance for how practitioners address countering violent extremism initiatives. 相似文献
943.
Steven Loleski 《Intelligence & National Security》2019,34(1):112-128
How did the National Security Agency (NSA) adopt the practice of hacking? This paper explores how NSA confronted the digital age by focusing on arguably NSA’s key organizational innovation as a microcosm of these broader changes: the Office of Tailored Access Operations (TAO). This paper develops a pragmatist model of organizational change showing how the practice of hacking became a practical solution to deal with the problems posed by a globally networked world through TAO’s case history. TAO’s aggressive expansion by developing a scalable Computer Network Exploitation (CNE) architecture was designed to keep NSA relevant in the twenty-first century. 相似文献
944.
Steven Slaughter 《Contemporary Politics》2015,21(4):384-398
The rising profile of the G20 in the aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis has led to various forms of concern about the legitimacy of this forum. While debates about the legitimacy of the G20 are important and ongoing, they overlook the important observation that the G20 is also attempting to perform a key role in legitimating global capitalism. This role of legitimating global capitalism emphasises the importance of the G20 to act, and be seen to act, to normalise global capitalism, to strengthen global economic governance, and also facilitate a political consensus with regard to key policy issues. This essay critically examines the role that the G20 plays in legitimating global capitalism and contends that the G20 is not just a technical forum of international policy-making but also a political forum for creating and performing visible responses to problems which are seen to be socially responsive. 相似文献
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947.
Saul M. Kassin Steven A. Drizin Thomas Grisso Gisli H. Gudjonsson Richard A. Leo Allison D. Redlich 《Law and human behavior》2010,34(1):3-38
Reviewing the literature on police-induced confessions, we identified suspect characteristics and interrogation tactics that
influence confessions and their effects on juries. We concluded with a call for the mandatory electronic recording of interrogations
and a consideration of other possible reforms. The preceding commentaries make important substantive points that can lead
us forward—on the effects of videotaping of interrogations on case dispositions; on the study of non-custodial methods, such
as the controversial Mr. Big technique; and on an analysis of why confessions, once withdrawn, elicit such intractable responses
compared to statements given by child and adult victims. Toward these ends, we hope that this issue provides a platform for
future research aimed at improving the diagnostic value of confession evidence. 相似文献
948.
Steven E. Barkan 《Critical Criminology》2009,17(4):247-259
The value of quantitative analysis for a critical understanding of crime and society has often been questioned. This paper
joins the debate by reviewing quantitative evidence on key criminological topics: the causes of crime, public opinion on crime,
and the operation and impact of the criminal justice system. This evidence highlights the importance of economic deprivation
and racial prejudice and discrimination for understanding U.S. crime and justice and points to the ineffectiveness of the
nation’s “get tough” approach to crime control. In these ways, quantitative analysis has already bolstered central propositions
in critical criminology and promises to continue to do so. 相似文献
949.
This paper focuses on the effects of political ideology and party affiliation on support for more government spending on environmental protection. Pooled‐sample results show that Liberals (Democrats) are more likely to support higher government spending on environmental protection than Moderates (Independents), who, in turn, are more likely to support higher spending levels than Conservatives (Republicans). The results persist even when we control for respondents' opinions concerning whether the federal government, in general, does too little or too much. When stratifying by party, ideological divisions generally narrow, while stratifying by ideology leads to slightly wider divisions between Democrats and Republicans. Together, these results suggest that when Liberals and Conservatives form opinions about government spending on the environment, party affiliation, to some degree, dampens the effects of ideology. Between 2014 and 2018 the probability of supporting more environmental spending increased, albeit slightly, for all ideologies and parties, but more so for Liberals and Democrats. 相似文献
950.
Public Choice - Much has been written about politicians’ preferences for electoral systems, yet little is known about the preferences of voters. In 1993, New Zealand had a binding electoral... 相似文献