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71.
In an attempt to better understand sexual offenders, this study with the aid of a genogram utilizing a grounded theory approach examined the experiences of three generations of incarcerated sexual offenders. The offenders in this study described experiences characterizing a continuum of failure to control their own criminal offences and perpetuity of their chronic conduct despite its serious consequences including imprisonment. One implication of those findings is that some incarcerated chronic sexual offenders possess a predisposition towards a sexual addiction and accordingly, a biological inheritance and environmental factors contribute to their conduct. Therefore, it is recommended for correctional systems including supervisory care that mandatory treatment within a medical model of confinement as opposed to a punitive model be established in order to curve recidivism and victimization levels. A longitudinal study should be conducted consisting of family members who are violent sexual offenders.  相似文献   
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Abstract

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan was faced with domestic conditions that made cooperation with Russia rational. Kazakhstan inherited a large ethnic Russian population and a severe economic depression. These conditions affected other countries emerging from the Soviet Union, but only Belarus matched Kazakhstan’s level of strategic cooperation with Russia. President Nursultan Nazarbaev’s dominance of Kazakhstan’s national security agenda offers a partial explanation for the cooperation, but we still need to ask what makes him different from the leaders of other post-Soviet countries that faced the same conditions. Kazakhstan’s pattern of historical development provides the key to understanding the cooperation. The timing of the country’s contact and experiences with the Russian-led empires led to a ‘dominant ally’ image of Russia that continues to decide the two countries’ relationship to the present day.  相似文献   
74.
This article addresses the legal and ethical uncertainties surrounding the use of administrative data for research. Drawing upon best practices developed by the authors in previous data initiatives and engagement with research communities, the article suggests a problematic organizational culture as the most significant barrier to proportionate and good governance of administrative data. Accordingly, it offers a novel means for data custodians to identify key considerations by introducing a decision‐making template that supports public authorities' assessment of preparedness for data reuse through identification of challenges faced, related to sector‐specific practices. As a catalyst for change, the authors advocate a public interest mandate – commitment to safely and ethically use administrative data when it is in the public interest to do so. This is delivered through implementation of the decision‐making template, overt commitment to principles of public interest and proportionality, and engagement with stakeholders to address remaining areas of uncertainty.  相似文献   
75.

Background

Previous research provides support for the existence of the psychopathy construct in youths. However, studies regarding the psychometric properties of psychopathy measures with ethnic minority youths are lacking.

Methods

In the present study, the three-factor structure of the Youth Psychopathic Traits Inventory (YPI) was examined for both native Dutch youth (N = 158) and an ethnic minority group, Moroccans (N = 141), in an incarcerated adolescent population in the Netherlands.

Results

Our results showed that the three-factor structure of the YPI is comparable across an ethnic majority and an ethnic minority group in an incarcerated sample in the Netherlands. Moreover, associations between psychopathic traits and mental health problems were similar for both ethnic groups.

Conclusion

The results support the cross-ethnic generalizability of the three-factor model of psychopathy as measured through the Youth Psychopathic Traits Inventory.  相似文献   
76.
Despite attempts to mobilize communities of color, gaps in turnout among racial and ethnic minorities persist (e.g., Abrajano et al., J Polit 70:368–382, 2008; Pantoja et al., Polit Res Q 54:729–750, 2001; Kaufmann, Polit Res Q 56:199–210, 2003; Ramirez, Ann Am Acad Pol Soc Sci 601:66–84, 2005, Am Polit Res 35:155–175, 2007). Scholars are only beginning to understand how parties or independent groups seek to mobilize these communities. In this paper, we develop and test the Differential Contact Thesis, which holds that turnout differences between whites and minority groups are influenced both by lower rates of contact by the parties and the use of less effective methods of contact. To test this, we examine data from the 2004 National Annenberg Election Study (NAES), 2004 American National Election Study (ANES), and the 2004 Miami Exit Poll. Our results support the Differential Contact Thesis: even controlling for the initial likelihood to be contacted by the parties, racial and ethnic minorities were less likely to be contacted using the most effective techniques. To some extent, non-partisan contact seems to compensate for the inattention of the major parties toward minority voters, but this contact is less likely to mobilize voters than contact from the parties.  相似文献   
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Current problems of the Federal deposit insurance system threaten not only to increase future Federal costs but also to destabilize the U.S. banking system as it faces new competitors. The system's problems can be traced to weakness in both the political and market feedback mechanisms. Current policies governing Federal deposit insurance are flawed in numerous respects. Recent extension of capital forbearance to troubled institutions appears to be another step in the wrong direction. Reforms are suggested that would improve political accountablity and market discipline. However, given resistance to such reforms, only a banking crisis seems likely to break the impasse.  相似文献   
79.
This paper utilizes a technique called the analysis of competing hypotheses to study Japanese acquisitions that involve majority interests in US firms. Findings show that there seem to be strategic trends in the Japanese procurement process, and that there are four domestic product groups that appear to be particularly vulnerable. Such foreign control of American commercial enterprises may well be a threat to the economy and national security.  相似文献   
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