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Detailed comparison of factors associated with abnormal approach to the prominent and with escalation from communication to approach has not hitherto been undertaken. This partially reflects the failure of individual studies to adopt compatible terminologies. This study involves a careful dissection of six public figure studies, three involving U.S. politicians, two Hollywood celebrities, and one the British Royal Family. Common findings were unearthed across six headings. Approachers were significantly more likely to exhibit serious mental illness, engage in multiple means of communication, involve multiple contacts/targets, and to incorporate into their communication requests for help. They were significantly less likely to use threatening or antagonistic language in their communications, except in those cases involving security breaches. These results emphasize the importance of integrating mental health findings and preventive measures into risk management. Approach should not be regarded as a single behavioral category and has multiple motivations. Future studies should adopt standard terminology, preferably taken from the general stalking research.  相似文献   
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Reply to Vidmar     
Law and Human Behavior -  相似文献   
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Reid  Bradford G. 《Public Choice》1998,97(1-2):35-48
The existence of manipulative electoral budget cycles and opportunistic election setting is examined in the framework of a parliamentary democracy. Empirical tests are conducted using a pooled time series cross section data set derived from Canadian provincial governments over the 1962–1992 period. Evidence in support of the electoral budget cycle hypothesis but not the opportunistic election timing hypothesis is obtained.  相似文献   
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Gary J. Reid 《Public Choice》1991,70(3):315-333
Are institutional or non-institutional factors more important determinants of local public expenditure decisions? Employing data that allows us to directly identify the entire distribution of voter expenditure demands, we estimate models of deviations of actual expenditures from the expenditure demand of defensible benchmarks — namely, the median voter's expenditure demand and the mean of voters' expenditure demands. Three competing paradigms are employed to specify these models; namely, a non-institutional model, the reform government movement's explanation of how institutions affect local government decisions and a transactions-cost model of this same phenomenon. Predictions from these three competing models differ in many respects. Comparisons of results from estimating models of expenditure deviations are found to be generally more consistent with the non-institutional model than with either of the two institutional models. These results suggest that a competitive local public service market helps limit the ability of governments to tax and spend in excess of the demands of the median or mean voter.  相似文献   
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