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971.
972.
Within Europe, the Danish electorate is the one that has most often expressed its opinion about the European Union in elections and in national referendums. Votes and attitudes are analysed for the five elections to the European Parliament between 1979 and 1999 and in the six referendums – from the first on membership of the EC in 1972 to the September 2000 referendum on acceptance of the euro, the European single currency. The article gives an overview of the development of Danish public opinion in relation to the European Union from 1960 to 2000, the turnouts at referendums, and the elections and results for the European Parliament. It is shown that since Denmark joined the EU, public opinion has fluctuated greatly, although the balance among Danish European Parliament members has remained stable. The reasons for the frequent use of referendums in Denmark and a thematic outline of the six referendums are put forward. The article concludes with a comprehensive analysis of public attitudes towards the referendum on the euro in 2000. It is shown that regional electoral patterns have vanished, but underlying attitudes are manifested in the public. 相似文献
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975.
Timothy B. Weston 《当代中国》2002,11(33):721-734
Now that China has joined the World Trade Organization, workers employed in the already hard-hit state-owned sector of the economy face the certain prospect of massive new lay-offs. Already, in the early months of 2002, China has seen its largest labor demonstrations since 1949. Not surprisingly, these took place at struggling state-owned enterprises that have recently dismissed thousands of workers. These workers have expressed a great deal of anger at their situation and show little faith in the Communist Party-approved union's--the All China Federation of Trade Unions--ability to protect their interests. For this reason, they have formed an independent trade union, even though the Chinese government has declared such unions illegal. This article provides a context in which to understand these increasingly serious tensions and argues that, without a fundamental change in direction on the part of the Communist Party, China is sure to witness further and more explosive labor problems in the near future. 相似文献
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977.
978.
Hans-Peter Müller 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2002,12(4):485-503
Talcott Parsons’s contribution to an analysis of social inequality seems to have had a strange destiny: it was either neglected as if Parsons had not contributed to the problem at all; or it was rejected as an allegedly useless kind of functional analysis of social stratification of modern societies. However, I argue, there is no single theory of functional stratification. Rather, there are at least three versions that have to be seen as separate approaches: First, the theory of rewards as it was developed by Parsons and, more important, by Kingsley Davis and Wilbert E. Moore; second, the theory of moral respect, that Parsons presented in two different versions; third, the theory of a balance of equality and inequality in modern societies that Parsons developed following T.H. Marshall’s theory of citizenship. The article presents a historic and systematic analysis of these three strands of Parsons’s contribution to the debate on social inequality. While the theory of functional stratification failed as a whole, I show that Parsons nevertheless anticipated crucial aspects of recent sociological debates, like the importance of the vagueness and fluidity of social stratification, or the crucial significance of education being the most important resource for a realization of individual life chances in modern societies. 相似文献
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980.
Hugh M. Neary 《Public Choice》1997,93(3-4):373-388
This paper provides a comparative analysis of the basic rent-seeking model and a simple economic model of conflict. Each model is concerned with a game in which players invest resources in pursuit of a prize. The purpose of the analysis is to elucidate structural differences between the two models, and to analyse the consequent behavioral differences and equilibrium outcomes in the two cases. A key finding is that, where such comparisons are possible, the conflict model tends to involve greater relative expenditure on wealth-redistribution activities than does the rent-seeking model. 相似文献