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Carbon capture and storage (CCS) has recently been gaining more and more attention as a climate change mitigation option. However, as CO2 may re-enter the atmosphere after injection into geological reservoirs, the question of long-term liability has to be considered if an environmentally sound policy is desired. Apart from this aspect, additional complexities arise from the fact that CO2 capture and storage can be carried out in two different countries. A classification of CCS cross-border activities shows that not all cases with non-Annex I participation fall under the Clean Development Mechanism. This classification is based on the assumption that according to Article 1.8 of the Framework Convention on Climate Change, CCS would be considered an emission reduction at the source. Furthermore, we elaborate on the problem that seepage of CO2 from reservoirs located in non-Annex I countries—under current rules—would not be subtracted from the emission budget of any country. We discuss options for creating liability in these cases.  相似文献   
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Legal context. The paper examines the formal requirements formaking a conversion application and provides an overview ofall the significant time limits which have to be observed. Key points. All relevant decisions taken by the Court of FirstInstance and the OHIM's Boards of Appeal are analysed by theauthors, particularly regarding the geographical scope and registrabilityof English language words. Consideration is also given to transformationand conversion under the Madrid Protocol and explanations areprovided regarding the five different types of conversion andtransformation in that context. As a special feature, the articledeals with conversion in the new Member States as well as inthe context of multiple oppositions. Practical significance. The article looks at conversion of Communitytrade mark applications and registrations into national trademarks from a practical and regulatory perspective. It explainsthe different considerations for requesting conversion froma commercial, legal and factual point of view and, in particular,the different grounds for requesting conversion.  相似文献   
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Recent research demonstrates that a wide range of political attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors can be explained in part by genetic variation. However, these studies have not yet identified the mechanisms that generate such a relationship. Some scholars have speculated that psychological traits mediate the relationship between genes and political participation, but so far there have been no empirical tests. Here we focus on the role of three psychological traits that are believed to influence political participation: cognitive ability, personal control, and extraversion. Utilizing a unique sample of more than 2,000 Swedish twin pairs, we show that a common genetic factor can explain most of the relationship between these psychological traits and acts of political participation, as well as predispositions related to participation. While our analysis is not a definitive test, our results suggest an upper bound for a proposed mediation relationship between genes, psychological traits, and political participation.  相似文献   
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SUMMARY

In 1806/07 Prussia suffered one of the most decisive defeats of her history. The Peace of Tilsit signed on 9 July 1807 and other subsequent treatises forced the Prussian state to a semi-sovereign status under de facto French supremacy. As a result, the leading political figures were looking for ways of re-stabilizing and re-legitimizing the shaken political system of the Hohenzollern monarchy. The ultimate goal of this deliberative process was the liberation of Prussia from French predominance. Right from the beginning, both ways for reaching this goal – either subordinating itself to the rule of vanquisher and pay potentially unbearable war contributions, or start a war of liberation – were connected to the idea of national representation (Nationalvertretung). This article describes in detail the interdependency between the different concepts for a broader political participation of the Prussian people and the specific challenges Prussia was facing in the aftermath of the Peace of Tilsit. Among other things it seeks to answer the question why Baron vom Stein (1757–31), the Prussian Chancellor and statesman, drastically accelerated the project of a national representation at the end of 1808, whereas his later successor Karl August Fürst von Hardenberg (1750–22), whose tenure as Prussian Chancellor included the years 1810–22, was more cautious in establishing such an institution. Finally it attempts to answer the question why the idea of national representation had never been fully realized between 1807 and the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815.  相似文献   
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Comparative scholars of legislative politics continue to face the challenge of measuring a key theoretical concept: conflict at the level of legislative bills. We address this challenge with a multilingual sentiment‐based approach and show that such a measure can effectively capture different types of parliamentary conflict. We also demonstrate that an automated translation of the dictionary yields valid results and therefore greatly facilitates comparative work on legislatures. Our applications show that a sentiment approach recovers government‐opposition dynamics in various settings. The use of a simple, translatable sentiment dictionary opens up the possibility of studying legislative conflict in bill debates across languages and countries.  相似文献   
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