JUAN A. MAYORAL 《Journal of common market studies》2012,50(2):361-362

  相似文献   

    

Alexandru Balas  Andrew P. Owsiak  Paul F. Diehl 《和平与变革》2012,37(2):195-226

Once the Cold War ended, the international community expanded the mandates given to its peace operations. Traditional thinking suggests that this trend occurred because of an increase in the number and a shift in the type of conflicts prevalent in the international system. This “demand side” explanation argues that as predominant conflict in the system changes from interstate to intrastate, the tasks shift accordingly from traditional peacekeeping to peacebuilding. Despite the persistence of this argument, no systematic studies exist that empirically test its validity. Considering conflict and peace operation patterns since 1945, we analyze whether conflict occurrence, conflict type, negotiated agreements, and international intervention changed fundamentally after the Cold War. We find that patterns of interstate and intrastate conflicts provide some limited support for this demand side argument, but the greatest support comes from the proliferation of negotiated agreements that terminate conflicts, in which disputants often request peacebuilding assistance.  相似文献   

    

Paul F. Lagunes 《Politics & Policy》2012,40(5):802-826

  相似文献   

    

Claire A. Auplat 《Global Policy》2012,3(4):492-500

In the context of the development of nanotechnologies policy making faces specific challenges, because of the nature of the technologies themselves, and because of the evolution of international governance. Policymakers need to integrate these parameters, but their task is made difficult by the number of coexisting different frameworks and by the way stakeholders use them. This two part survey outlines these frameworks and draws from new institutional theory as well as from the policy and innovation literatures to discuss the challenges of nano policy making. The first part of the survey introduces nano policy making and the reasons for its complexity, and offers a panorama of the set of mandatory tools that are currently available to regulate nanotechnologies. The second part, which will appear in a following issue of Global Policy, provides an outlook of the set of voluntary tools that coexist with the mandatory ones, followed by a discussion of the use of all these tools by the different stakeholders. The survey concludes by debating two major directions which nano policy making may follow.  相似文献   

    

Ronald F. Inglehart  Pippa Norris 《Scandinavian political studies》2012,35(1):71-96

Since the end of the Cold War, security studies have broadened to take into account a wide range of non‐military threats ranging from poverty to environmental concerns rather than just national defence. Security scholars, backed by international organizations and a growing number of national governments, have developed the concept of ‘human security’, focusing on the welfare of ordinary people against a broad range of threats. This has aroused vigorous debate. The first part of this article proposes an analytical model of human security. The second part argues that it is important to measure how ordinary people perceive risks, moving beyond state‐centric notions of human security. New evidence is examined that draws upon survey items specially designed to monitor perceptions of human security, included for the first time in the sixth wave of the World Values Survey (WVS), with fieldwork conducted in 2010–12. The third part demonstrates that people distinguish three dimensions – national, community and personal security – and then explores some structural determinants driving these perceptions. The fourth part discusses why perceptions of human security matter, particularly for explaining cultural values and value change around the world. The conclusion argues that the shift from a narrow focus on military security toward the broader concept of human security is a natural response to the changing challenges facing developed societies, in which the cost‐benefit ratio concerning war has become negative and cultural changes have made war less acceptable. In this setting, valid measures of perceptions of human security have become essential, both to understand the determinants of the concept among ordinary people and to analyze their consequences.  相似文献   

    

William A. Galston 《Public administration review》2012,72(3):322-323

  相似文献   

    

Daniel P. Carpenter  George A. Krause 《Public administration review》2012,72(1):26-32

This article examines the application of organizational reputation to public administration. Organizational reputation is defined as a set of beliefs about an organization’s capacities, intentions, history, and mission that are embedded in a network of multiple audiences. The authors assert that the way in which organizational reputations are formed and subsequently cultivated is fundamental to understanding the role of public administration in a democracy. A review of the basic assumptions and empirical work on organizational reputation in the public sector identifies a series of stylized facts that extends our understanding of the functioning of public agencies. In particular, the authors examine the relationship between organizational reputation and bureaucratic autonomy.  相似文献   

    

James A. Wall  Timothy C. Dunne 《Negotiation Journal》2012,28(2):217-244

In this article, we review the mediation literature from the past decade, utilizing a cybernetic mediation paradigm to organize the material. In this paradigm, we note that the type of conflict, country, culture, and mediation institutions affect the mediation process. Within this process, the mediator and disputants interact with each other, attempting to reach their own goals. This interaction produces outcomes for the disputants, the mediators, and other parties. The literature — organized using this paradigm — indicates that mediation is frequently practiced in many venues; the literature also provides an exhaustive list of mediation goals, describes many mediation strategies, and reports manifold mediation outcomes. Unfortunately, the number of studies examining the relative effectiveness of specific strategies (e.g., pressing, relational, and analytic) seems insufficient. Few studies have used control groups or reported observations of mediator and disputants' behavior in actual mediations.  相似文献   

    

Elizabeth M. Hammond  Melissa A. Berry  Dario N. Rodriguez 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2011,16(2):242-252

Purpose. The purpose of this study was to examine the influence of rape myth acceptance, belief in a just world, and sexual attitudes on attributions of responsibility in a date rape scenario. We predicted that people higher in rape myth acceptance and those who more strongly believed in a just world, as well as those who held more conservative sexual attitudes, would attribute greater blame to the accuser than to the accused. Methods. One hundred seventy‐two undergraduates from a medium‐sized, Catholic university in the USA read a hypothetical date rape scenario and completed the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, the Just World Scale, the Sexual Attitudes Scale, and a Judgment Questionnaire constructed for the current study. Results. Rape myth acceptance mediated the relationship between gender and judgments of responsibility for the accused and the accuser. Men were more likely to endorse rape myths and, consequently, assign less responsibility to the accused and more responsibility to the accuser than women. Conclusions. Pre‐existing beliefs regarding the nature of rape and the circumstances surrounding it may bias attributions of responsibility in date rape cases. There may be utility in addressing whether jurors hold such beliefs prior to the start of a trial.  相似文献   

    

Raul A. Sanchez Urribarri 《Law & social inquiry》2011,36(4):854-884

This article offers a theoretical discussion about courts in “hybrid regimes” that evolve from formerly democratic countries. The evolution toward authoritarianism typically allows governments more latitude to reduce judicial independence and judicial power. Yet, several reasons, including legitimacy costs, a tradition of using courts for judicial adjudication and social control, and even the use of courts for quenching dissent may discourage rulers from shutting down the judicial contestation arena and encourage them instead to appeal to less overbearing measures. This usually leads to a decline of the judiciary's proclivity to challenge the government, especially in salient cases. To illustrate these dynamics, I discuss the rise and fall of judicial power in Venezuela under Chávez's rule, focusing on the Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court. Formerly the most powerful institution in the country's history, the Chamber briefly emerged as an influential actor at the beginning of the regime, but a comprehensive intervention of the judiciary in 2004 further politicized the court and effectively reduced its policy‐making role.  相似文献