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521.
Witnessing inter-parental intimate partner violence has been found to be associated with adolescents’ own relationship abuse. This study investigates the relationship between patterns of inter-parental intimate partner verbal and physical violence victimization reported by parents and their children’s reports of dating abuse experiences and behavior. Latent class analysis was performed on a sample of 610 parents (42% male and 67% white) and their dating adolescent children (ages 12–21 years; 52% male). Parents reported five types of victimization by their partners in the past year, while youth concurrently reported their own victimization and perpetration within their dating relationships. Three profiles of parents’ intimate partner victimization were related to youth relationship abuse experiences and behaviors. Children of parents who experienced verbal abuse were more likely to experience similar patterns in their own relationships, whereas children of parents who report physical and verbal abuse were more likely to report psychological, physical and sexual abusive encounters in their partnerships. Findings indicate that parents’ relationship quality and abusive behaviors may have a long lasting effect on their children as they enter mid and late adolescence. Parents should pay attention to their own relationship quality and behavior even as their teen-age children gain independence.  相似文献   
522.
Why do some political parties in new democracies base their campaigns on promises of national public goods while others do not? Parties in new democracies often eschew programmatic policy proposals in favour of appealing to voters’ ethnic identities, distributing non-programmatic benefits, or emphasizing the personalities of their candidates. However, this is not universally the case. This article examines recent campaign strategies in two nascent democracies in Africa: Ghana and Kenya. The findings suggest that programmatic campaigning is much more common than is assumed, but that parties have different preferences for how much programmatic content they include in their campaigns. The article argues that differences in campaign strategies are largely due to differences in the composition of ethnic support for competing parties. Parties that draw a majority of their support from a single large ethnic group are more likely to develop campaign strategies based on programmatic, policy-based appeals in the form of specific proposals for national public goods than are parties with a more diverse ethnic base of supporters. I argue that these appeals serve as a pre-election commitment to counteract fears among the electorate of domination by the large ethnic core of the party.  相似文献   
523.
The reported rise in radicalism among youth in Pakistan since 9/11/2001 has been attributed to religious education in madrasas and schools. However, education in Pakistan is only part of the historical and contemporary forces that contribute to the prevailing exclusivist religio-political discourse. Although most policy papers have recommended a secularization of public education, such efforts by the Pakistani Government have been counterproductive. These efforts by the Pakistani Government to reshape education, with massive funding from international donors, have faced strong opposition and there are signs of psychological reactance as evidenced by even greater levels of religious radicalism among Pakistani youth. The current study suggests a viable alternative for reshaping education in Pakistan. A nationwide survey of educated urban youth (N = 386) conducted by the first author, revealed that when considering radical religious, Western secular and liberal religious ideas, Pakistani youth were overwhelmingly supportive of a liberal religious approach to education that highlights an inclusive Islam emphasizing freedom and compassion. Findings have implications for Government reforms, peace education initiatives and long-term conflict transformation in Pakistan.  相似文献   
524.
Greig Taylor 《Labor History》2017,58(4):552-575
Prior to 1967, labour relations in the British dock industry had been characterised by casual employment, inter and intra-union conflict, frequent unofficial action and high strike occurrence. The Devlin Report and subsequent legislation decasualised employment in the industry and introduced official local shop steward systems. This article charts the evolution of local, post-Devlin, Registered Dock Worker (RDW) labour organisation at the port of Liverpool. A chronological approach to the major strikes and flash points will be accompanied by reflection on the historiography and theoretical perspectives relating to the form and nature of workplace mobilisation, ‘shop stewardism’ and labour organisation. The existing literature in this area focuses almost entirely on shop steward organisation in the manufacturing sector and emphasises the key role of leadership in the creation and maintenance of effective workplace organisation. However, the development of the shop steward movement at Liverpool docks was heavily contingent on historical traditions and conditions and was therefore not necessarily reliant on an elite stratum of politically conscious leader stewards to frame and direct grievance. The article concludes by comparing the existing literature with the evidence presented and questions whether those theoretical suppositions synonymous with shop floor and shop steward organisation in other industries are appropriate to the docks.  相似文献   
525.
526.
Stress research shows that race, socioeconomic status (SES), and family context significantly impact an adolescent’s psychological well-being, yet little is known about the mediating effects of family context on racial and SES differences in depressive symptoms among Black and White youth. We investigate these associations using a sample of 875 (45% female) from a South Florida community-based study of youth mostly between the ages of 19 and 21. Ordinary least squares (OLS) analyses find that Blacks and lower SES youth have more depressive symptoms than Whites and those in higher SES families. Racial disparities are partially mediated by family related stressors and SES differences are fully explained by family stressors and emotional support. We also find that emotional family support conditions the relationship between race and depressive symptoms such that Whites experience more depressive symptoms at lower levels of emotional support but Blacks have more symptoms at higher levels. The findings highlight the importance of identifying factors within the family context that influence a youth’s psychological well-being and ability to cope with adversities.  相似文献   
527.

Research in developmental psychology highlights youth’s self-schemas as one possible pathway to improve adolescents’ functioning and promote positive developmental outcomes. Despite this, the trajectory of positive and negative self-schemas is relatively understudied. This study addresses this limitation by empirically examining the trajectory of self-schemas in a community sample of 623 youth (M?=?13.04 years; 54% female; 49% African American, 4% Biracial, 47% European American) who were followed over a seven-year period. Caregivers completed measures of parenting practices, maternal rumination and negative inferential style, and adolescents completed a computerized behavioral task assessing self-schemas (i.e., mental frameworks that guide attention, interpretation, and memory of one’s experiences). Multilevel growth curve modeling results demonstrated a quadratic slope for negative self-schemas and no mean-level change for positive self-schemas. These trajectories did not vary by gender or racial group. However, parenting factors differentially influenced the trajectories. Specifically, higher levels of parental involvement at baseline, or an active interest and engagement in a child’s experiences and activities, related to lower levels of negative self-schemas during adolescence. Additionally, higher levels of parental rumination and parental negative control at baseline related to lower levels of youth positive self-schemas at baseline. These findings contribute to models of youth cognitive development.

  相似文献   
528.
We examine the ability of pre-election polls to aggregate information about voter preferences. We show that if the electorate is small and voting costs are negligible, then an equilibrium exists in which citizens report their true political preferences. If the electorate is large or voting costs are significant, however, then no such equilibrium exists because poll respondents possess incentives to influence the voting behavior of others by misreporting their true preferences. We find that when a truthful equilibrium does exist, a poll can raise expected welfare by discouraging turnout among members of the minority.  相似文献   
529.
There is almost a tradition in Australia for the suspect practices of hospitals to be exposed by whistleblowers rather than official governance or accreditation processes. The Bundaberg, King Edward, Canberra, Campbelltown and Camden hospitals have been investigated as a consequence of whistleblowing, but it seems the lessons learnt fail to travel beyond the subject institution. For five years, a number of senior surgeons at The Alfred Hospital in Melbourne complained about the clinical and billing practices of their colleague, Professor Thomas Kossmann, head of the trauma unit. Amid intense media interest, The Alfred eventually convened a peer review panel to investigate their concerns. Around the same time, two surgeons made disclosures to Ombudsman Victoria. The Ombudsman subsequently released two reports expanding on the findings of the peer review panel. The situation at The Alfred was remarkable for the numerous and diverse issues raised and the involvement of several external agencies. This article provides an overview and analysis of the peer review panel and Ombudsman's reports and the outcomes of the referrals and recommendations.  相似文献   
530.
China’s policy of reform and opening has led to extraordinary economic and societal changes during the past 30 years. One aspect of this progressive, incremental change has been the remarkable development of democracy—both at the grassroots level and within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The CCP, recognizing that political reforms must accompany economic reforms, began to pursue a distinctively Chinese path to political reform and modernization—a socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics. Inspired by leadership from Deng Xiaoping to Hu Jintao, Chinese citizens living in the countryside and townships have held competitive elections for local leadership for over a decade. This paper posits that the rise and institutionalization of competitive, popular local elections is indicative of how the CCP, in fostering a Harmonious Socialist Society, has created a viable, Confucian, and uniquely Chinese alternative to Western liberal democracy in local governance.  相似文献   
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