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31.
In terms of federalism, the year 1992-1993 was interesting inits ambivalence. The new president and a somewhat reconstitutedCongress took actions that reverberated through the intergovernmentalsystem; yet there was no hint of a coherent theory of federalismunderlying those actions. Two trends held steady: the federaldeficit continued to constrain new domestic initiatives andstates and localities continued to be subjected to un(der)fundedmandates. A review of U.S. Supreme Court rulings in cases withintergovernmental implications, does not reveal a discerniblefederalism philosophy in that branch of the government. If anything,19921993 further underscored the pulling and tuggingbetween the nation and the states that has characterized Americanfederalism for the past several years. 相似文献
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Blythe Bowman Proulx 《Trends in Organized Crime》2011,14(1):1-29
From the ”glocal” perspective of a large sample of archaeologists conducting fieldwork throughout the world and working on
the very sites of interest to looters, this paper explores the question whether and to what extent organized crime is involved
in the theft and illicit export of archaeological resources. Two major findings are presented: first, archaeologists tend
almost unanimously to consider that organized crime operates within the ‘global’ antiquities market, but when asked about
their own personal experiences with looting on the sites where they work, many fewer report observations of organized crime;
second, however, it is apparent that respondents’ conceptions of “organized crime” involve media-driven, stereotypical representations
of mafia-style structures. Therefore, although in their reporting of observed local activities they do not provide substantial
survey evidence of the presence of organized crime so defined, they do report appreciable “organization” among those who have
looted their sites—which, again, they have almost unanimously experienced. This paper considers the implications of such findings
for both the definitional debate on organized crime and the academic analysis of the trade in looted antiquities. 相似文献
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Kally J. Nelson Cara Laney Nicci Bowman Fowler Eric D. Knowles Deborah Davis Elizabeth F. Loftus 《Legal and Criminological Psychology》2011,16(1):62-74
The current study investigated the effects of change blindness and crime severity on eyewitness identification accuracy. This research, involving 717 subjects, examined change blindness during a simulated criminal act and its effects on subjects' accuracy for identifying the perpetrator in a photospread. Subjects who viewed videos designed to induce change blindness were more likely to falsely identify the innocent actor relative to those who viewed control videos. Crime severity did not influence detection of change; however, it did have an effect on eyewitness accuracy. Subjects who viewed a more severe crime ($500 theft) made fewer errors in perpetrator identification than those who viewed a less severe crime ($5 theft). This research has theoretical implications for our understanding of change blindness and practical implications for the real‐world problem of faulty eyewitness testimony. 相似文献
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Striking a Responsive Chord: How Political Ads Motivate and Persuade Voters by Appealing to Emotions 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
Ted Brader 《American journal of political science》2005,49(2):388-405
Politicians routinely appeal to the emotions of voters, a practice critics claim subverts the rational decision making on which democratic processes properly rest. But we know little about how emotional appeals actually influence voting behavior. This study demonstrates, for the first time, that political ads can change the way citizens get involved and make choices simply by using images and music to evoke emotions. Prior research suggests voters behave differently in different emotional states but has not established whether politicians can use campaigns to manipulate emotions and thereby cause changes in political behavior. This article uses two experiments conducted during an actual election to show that: (1) cueing enthusiasm motivates participation and activates existing loyalties; and (2) cueing fear stimulates vigilance, increases reliance on contemporary evaluations, and facilitates persuasion. These results suggest campaigns achieve their goals in part by appealing to emotions, and emotional appeals can promote democratically desirable behavior . 相似文献
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