Police stress as a professional self-image

This article examines what appears to be an original and recent strategy of police professionalization in the United States—an emphasis on police stress as a means of gaining professional legitimacy and prestige as well as a means of bringing coherence to a number of conceptions surrounding the tasks of, and role expectations for, the police. A focus on police stress provides a vehicle for organizing the disparate crime control and peacekeeping elements of law enforcement into a single whole. Because the notions of stress, danger, and service are concepts with which the public are readily able to sympathize and because the public recognizes the stress-related aspects of traditional professions such as medicine, law, and the ministry, especially the responsibility of those in these professions for the lives and welfare of others, the idea of police stress would seem to enhance the public's acceptance of the police claim to professional status. Unfortunately, the social and political conditions underlying police work inhibit such acceptance.     

Criminal justice students: A research note

During the last five years, there have been a good deal of discussion about the nature, purpose, and future of criminal justice education. On the whole, this research has focused upon three areas of investigation. First, it has focused upon the distribution of criminology and criminal justice programs and majors within the United States. Aside from a few comments about the composition of student bodies as an aspect of the makeup of criminal justice programs (Bennett and Marshall, 1979; Berger, 1980), there is little analysis of criminal justice students. This research note focuses upon an on-going longitudinal research effort which is tracking a cohort of criminal justice majors from their upper level college experience through the first few years of their early career development.     

Effect of fabric washing on the presumptive identification of bloodstains

The purpose of this study was to investigate the retention of blood stains on twelve different types of fabrics after washing at various drying times. The findings of this study, supported by chi-square analysis, indicate that the retention of bloodstains on washed fabrics depends upon the particular fiber composition of the fabric, the specific blood screening test used, and whether or not a detergent was used in the wash. The results of this research did not reveal a significant effect of the drying time on the retention of bloodstains, as tested during the 48-h limit of this experiment. The author concludes that the forensic serologist should consider the factors investigated in this study before rendering an opinion on the retention of bloodstains on washed garments.     

Gerrymandering Roll Calls in Congress, 1879–2000

We argue that the standard toolbox used in electoral studies to assess the bias and responsiveness of electoral systems can also be used to assess the bias and responsiveness of legislative systems. We consider which items in the toolbox are the most appropriate for use in the legislative setting, then apply them to estimate levels of bias in the U.S. House from 1879 to 2000. Our results indicate a systematic bias in favor of the majority party over this period, with the strongest bias arising during the period of "czar rule" (51st–60th Congresses, 1889–1910) and during the post-packing era (87th–106th Congresses, 1961–2000). This finding is consistent with the majority party possessing a significant advantage, either in "buying" vote options, in setting the agenda, or both.     

The Logic of Gamson's Law: Pre-election Coalitions and Portfolio Allocations

Gamson's Law—the proposition that coalition governments will distribute portfolios in proportion to each member party's contribution of seats to the coalition—has been one of the most prominent landmarks in coalitional studies since the 1970s. However, standard bargaining models of government formation argue that Gamson's Law should not hold, once one controls for relevant indicators of bargaining power. In this article, we extend these bargaining models by allowing parties to form pre-election pacts. We argue that campaign investments by pact signatories depend on how they anticipate portfolios will be distributed and, thus, signatories have an incentive to precommit to portfolio allocation rules. We show that pacts will sometimes agree to allocate portfolios partly or wholly in proportion to members' contributions of seats to the coalition; this increases each signatory's investment in the campaign, thereby conferring external benefits (in the form of a larger probability of an alliance majority) on other coalition members. Empirical tests support the model's predictions.     

Communities and citizens: Identity and difference in discourses of Asia‐pacific regionalism

In the post‐Cold War world era, increasing attention is being given to forces of regionalism in global politics. These forces raise the possibility of thinking about citizenship beyond the usual borders of the political communities of nation‐states. Yet the extension of questions of citizenship to regional levels does not dispel the problems of identity formation and the suppression or exclusion of difference in the construction of communities. In the burgeoning discourses of Asia‐Pacific regionalism there is a new orthodoxy which combines elements of neo‐realism, neo‐liberalism and what is often referred to as an ‘Asian way’. But this new orthodoxy neither surrenders nor disturbs sovereign statehood. As a result, discourses of Asia‐Pacific regionalism reinforce the kinds of citizenship granted by political communities of existing nation‐states of the region and fail to recognize difference within and between these communities.     

Thinking 'globally' about peace in Northern Ireland

Though many in Britain and Northern Ireland remain highly sceptical about the longer term intentions of the Provisional IRA, it is clear that its ceasefire of August 1994 represented a major turning-point in Irish history. The nature of the IRA decision however remains shrouded in controversy – made all the more controversial of course by its resumption of military activities followed eighteen months later by the announcement of another ceasefire. This article seeks to throw light on the original IRA decision by exploring some of the international pressures which led the organization to take the decision it did in 1994. While in no way seeking to downplay the importance of 'internal' factors such as war weariness and the Anglo-Irish agreement, it is suggested here that the decision itself makes little sense unless it is situated within a wider global context. It is also implied that if analysts had been more sensitive to the influence of the 'global' upon the 'local' conflict in Northern Ireland, they may have been less surprised than they were by the IRA announcement.