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981.
In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
相似文献
Jason ReiflerEmail: |
982.
Stephen T. Mockabee 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):221-248
In this study I adopt a view of cultural conflict that extends beyond the usual set of controversial “moral” issues like abortion
and gay rights to include symbolic issues related to patriotism and group affect. Using a set of survey items asking about
respondents’ preferences in child-rearing, I create a measure of individuals’ orientations toward authority that proves to
be a potent predictor of attitudes on cultural issues, affect toward social groups, party identification, and vote choice.
This authority effect persists even in the presence of extensive multivariate controls for demographic and religious variables.
I find that both authority measures and religion measures shape political attitudes, suggesting the need for a multi-faceted approach to understanding cultural conflict.
相似文献
Stephen T. MockabeeEmail: |
983.
Cindy D. Kam 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):343-367
Citizens are asked to make many judgments in politics, often in the face of scarce information and limited motivation. In
making political judgments, citizens may rely upon a variety of cues, including the partisanship, ethnicity, race, or sex
of candidates. Some cues, however, are more democratically troublesome than others. Democratic norms of equality suggest that
attitudes towards racial or ethnic groups should not influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates. Often, however, attitudes
towards these groups do matter. This article identifies a limiting condition on the effect of group attitudes: the presence
of a party cue. I demonstrate that attitudes towards Hispanics influence willingness to support a Hispanic candidate, but
only in the absence of a party cue. The article also contributes to existing work by analyzing both explicit and implicit
measures of attitudes towards groups. Explicit measures include stereotypes and feeling thermometers; implicit measures are
derived from a subliminal priming task. Subjects with positive attitudes towards Hispanics (whether these attitudes were measured
implicitly or explicitly) were more likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. Subjects with
negative attitudes towards Hispanics were less likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. The
presence of party cues, however, eliminates the impact of attitudes towards Hispanics on political choice.
相似文献
Cindy D. KamEmail: |
984.
Political tolerance is a key democratic value believed to undergird successful and healthy democracies. In nascent democracies
especially, citizens must tolerate the views and participation of opposing groups in order to ensure methodical transfers
of power with successive elections. Yet, despite its importance, little research considers tolerance outside established democracies.
In this paper, we compare political tolerance across eight Eastern European countries and six Western countries. We demonstrate
that mean levels of tolerance are lower in the newly democratized countries of Eastern Europe and then examine whether they
are a function of East Europeans’ limited experience with democracy. We also test whether established individual-level theories
of tolerance replicate across this wide range of new and old democracies. We find some support for theories of democratic
learning and also show that models of tolerance operate differently across the range of countries in our sample.
相似文献
Sandra Marquart-PyattEmail: |
985.
Michael J. Hanmer 《Political Behavior》2007,29(1):1-30
Scholars often seek to understand which individuals are most responsive to the change in some treatment. Such work inevitably
faces issues of identification. When the dependent variable is binary, the assumption that the largest effect occurs where
p = 0.5 is also encountered. I apply Manski’s [(1995). Identification problems in the social sciences. Cambridge: Harvard University Press] non-parametric Bounds approach, which relaxes the functional form and distributional
assumptions found in traditional models, in an attempt to resolve the long standing debate on which types of individuals are
most affected by changes in registration laws. Under the standard assumption that treats the selection of registration laws
as exogenous, the results revise the current understanding. By exploring the power of various behavioral assumptions, new
insights into the study of policy changes emerge, calling into question some of the assumptions that are standard in the literature.
相似文献
Michael J. HanmerEmail: |
986.
This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs
in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis
of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility
in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary
democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch
adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study
shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue.
The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore
the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming,
two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.
相似文献
Wouter van der BrugEmail: |
987.
Matthew B. Crawford 《Society》2007,44(6):131-136
Biotechnological enhancement of human capabilities reveals a characteristically modern stance toward nature: Human nature,
as given, is an impediment to be overcome on the way to full human freedom. As a form of metaphysical partisanship, the biotech
enterprise seems to further the political intention of Thomas Hobbes to nullify human diversity. Commerce in biotech enhancements,
and the individual liberty such commerce instantiates, is likely to have the ironic effect of psychic homogenization.
相似文献
Matthew B. CrawfordEmail: |
988.
This paper presents a quantitative and qualitative content analysis of Twitter posts mentioning Queensland Premier Anna Bligh and Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard during the 2011 Queensland flood crisis. The contrast in the perceived styles of the two leaders is analysed using the theory of transformational leadership as a framework. The implications for effective leadership communication in a crisis are discussed, notably, strategies for instilling pride and gaining respect and trust. The study also highlights the emerging role of Twitter in setting the media agenda at times of fast‐breaking news. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
989.
990.
Budget transparency has come to be considered a key aspect of governance. Over the past decade, donors have invested increasing resources in strengthening processes through which budget transparency in developing countries can be enhanced. According to the 2008 Open Budget Index (OBI) Report, however, aid dependency and budget transparency appear to be inversely correlated. This article looks at the role of donor agencies in promoting or preventing budget transparency in aid‐dependent countries. It looks at significant correlations across the whole sample of 84 countries covered in the 2008 OBI, and analyzes more specific data for a sub‐sample of 16 aid‐dependent countries, before selecting six countries for which more detailed findings are then presented. All of these countries have implemented reforms aimed at enhancing budget transparency, with substantial donor support. These, however, often had only limited success, partly because they were not well adapted to the local context, and partly because donors put limited emphasis on improving public access to budget information. Donor efforts were also often offset by other characteristics of donor interventions, namely their fragmentation, lack of transparency, and limited use of programme aid modalities such as budget support and pooled sector funding. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献