全文获取类型
收费全文 | 7337篇 |
免费 | 246篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 411篇 |
工人农民 | 240篇 |
世界政治 | 610篇 |
外交国际关系 | 290篇 |
法律 | 4209篇 |
中国政治 | 41篇 |
政治理论 | 1711篇 |
综合类 | 71篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 96篇 |
2019年 | 116篇 |
2018年 | 172篇 |
2017年 | 159篇 |
2016年 | 158篇 |
2015年 | 115篇 |
2014年 | 124篇 |
2013年 | 868篇 |
2012年 | 162篇 |
2011年 | 169篇 |
2010年 | 160篇 |
2009年 | 169篇 |
2008年 | 171篇 |
2007年 | 177篇 |
2006年 | 196篇 |
2005年 | 168篇 |
2004年 | 165篇 |
2003年 | 172篇 |
2002年 | 158篇 |
2001年 | 228篇 |
2000年 | 196篇 |
1999年 | 173篇 |
1998年 | 110篇 |
1997年 | 106篇 |
1996年 | 77篇 |
1995年 | 80篇 |
1994年 | 76篇 |
1993年 | 90篇 |
1992年 | 127篇 |
1991年 | 159篇 |
1990年 | 137篇 |
1989年 | 149篇 |
1988年 | 142篇 |
1987年 | 157篇 |
1986年 | 146篇 |
1985年 | 149篇 |
1984年 | 142篇 |
1983年 | 144篇 |
1982年 | 103篇 |
1981年 | 96篇 |
1980年 | 96篇 |
1979年 | 103篇 |
1978年 | 81篇 |
1977年 | 59篇 |
1976年 | 68篇 |
1975年 | 61篇 |
1974年 | 69篇 |
1973年 | 68篇 |
1972年 | 55篇 |
1969年 | 57篇 |
排序方式: 共有7583条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
Public Choice - Applying an array of quasi-experimental designs, proponents of causal inference approaches to studying American politics are setting their sights on the study of Congress. In many... 相似文献
212.
213.
American Journal of Criminal Justice - The harms crime victims experience extend far beyond the initial victimization and can have severe negative impacts on daily life. Using data collected via a... 相似文献
214.
215.
John W. Young 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):81-100
Recent decades have seen growing historical interest in “second rank” officials who, whilst they do not play a leading role in government or political movements, can influence the way decisions are shaped and executed. At the same time, the interest of scholars in American policy during the Vietnam War shows no signs of abating. This article investigates the experience of one second rank official during the war, David Bruce, who was Ambassador to London during 1961–1969. Making particular use of Bruce's extensive diaries, it traces his shifting views on the war, looks at the extent to which he shared the outlook of other official,s and asks what influence, if any, he had on events. It argues that, whilst he always remained loyal to his own government and often mirrored the outlook of the Johnson Administration, Bruce had his own perspective on events, was consistently critical of American tactics on the ground, and, in Spring 1967, influenced by Robert McNamara, became an early advocate of retrenchment. 相似文献
216.
Jacob W. F. Sundberg 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3-4):335-339
217.
218.
Jacob W. Kipp 《European Security》2013,22(3):91-125
This article examines the emergence of Aleksandr Dugin as the leader of the Eurasian Movement and later Party in Russia. For much of the 1990s Dugin was a prominent intellectual among the Russian nationalist‐communist opposition, moving from the position of ideologue of a fringe political party ‐ Edvard Limonov's National Bolsheviks — to advisor to the communist speaker of the State Duma, Gennadiy Seleznev. Dugin's ideology combined an anti‐Western interpretation of geopolitics with mysticism, Aryanism, conspirology, authoritarian statism and Eurasianism. Dugin's expanding set of Internet sites became an ideological empire of a virtual society. In 1999, in the aftermath of the NATO intervention in Yugoslavia, Dugin saw an opportunity to move from the marginal opposition to the ideologue of the post‐Yeltsin president. In this capacity, Dugin and his Eurasian Movement emerged as prominent supporters of Vladimir Putin, whom Dugin identified as the embodiment of the ‘Eurasian capitalist’ model of statist development. Dugin developed a close working relationship with Gleb Pavlovsky, a spin doctor for Putin's Kremlin. In the aftermath of 11 September and Putin's move towards supporting the United States in the war on terrorism, Dugin has continued his nominal support for the president, even as he has criticized his pro‐Western policies as anti‐Eurasian and a threat to Russian interests. 相似文献
219.
220.