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171.
Tim Legrand 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2018,30(2):356-372
ABSTRACTThis article considers the status and value of the U.S. Designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTO) list via an extended and annotated interview with James R. Clapper, U.S. Director of National Intelligence during the administration of President Barack Obama from 2010–2017. In this interview,1 Clapper reflects on the role and effectiveness of blacklisting for U.S. national security strategy. The article frames the interview within debates in recent political science and law literatures on blacklisting to situate Clapper’s views. Drawing on recent controversies—including the fraught relationship between the U.S., Pakistan, the Taliban regime, and the Haqqani network—Clapper speaks to the a) symbolism and foreign policy drivers of FTO listing; b) implications of the FTO list for peace negotiations; and, c) the cohesion of terrorist groups and the effectiveness of FTO listings. In reporting the interview thus, the article offers a rare direct insight to the causal reasoning of an elite security official with respect to a process that has, since its inception in 1997, been shrouded in ambiguity and controversy. 相似文献
172.
The ride‐hailing company Uber has achieved extremely rapid global expansion by means of outmanoeuvring governments, regulators and competitors. The rise of the company has been based on a deliberate strategy of acting as a market disruptive innovator through a user friendly technology and making use of the ‘sharing economy’. These attributes are not unique, but are distinctively augmented by a relentless expansionary ambition and an ability to maintain the capacity to innovate. Uber has generated great political controversy, but the challenge for governments and regulators is to embrace the benefits of the disruptive innovator, while adopting an approach that takes into account the full range of impacts. For Uber, the challenge is to maintain its expansionary style as a disruptive innovator, while also redefining on its terms the political and public debate. The case study of London provides important insights into the dynamics of these processes. 相似文献
173.
Tim Haesebrouck 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2017,30(2-3):137-159
Contrary to what the EU’s image as a civilian power suggests, the EU member states have had 50,000–100,000 troops deployed outside their home countries for most of the post-Cold-War period. Although the vast majority of these troops were active in operations with a strong European presence, the member states’ patterns of military engagement differ significantly. This study provides a systematic analysis of the member states’ contributions to military operations. More specifically, it examines which (combinations of) conditions consistently led to participation in EUFOR Congo, UNIFIL II, EUFOR Chad, the 2011 military intervention in Libya and the air strikes against the Islamic State. Methodologically, it builds on most different similar outcome/most similar different outcome and qualitative comparative analysis. The results of the analysis show that four conditions account for the bulk of the member states’ patterns of military engagements: military resources, competing deployments, UN peacekeeping tradition and regional trade. 相似文献
174.
175.
Tim Jacoby 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(7):1655-1673
This paper looks at the ways in which culturalist discourses have influenced our understanding and representation of the rise of the so-called Islamic State. It argues that, in keeping with older narratives on the motives of ‘bad’ Muslims, its political and economic objectives have been overlooked and/or downplayed. Instead, I propose, there has been a strategically efficacious focus on its appeal to Islam, on its sectarian rhetoric and on its use of violence. By continuing to emphasise the ethical over the political in these ways, the culturalism that underpins the dominant representation of the Islamic State’s emergence has, I conclude, served three key purposes – the mobilisation of the ‘good’ Muslim, the exculpation of Western foreign policy and the legitimisation of force. 相似文献
176.
Laninga-Wijnen Lydia van den Berg Yvonne H. M. Mainhard Tim Cillessen Antonius H. N. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2021,50(8):1582-1600
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Although prior research has indicated that peer norms for aggression enhance the spread of aggression in classrooms, it is unclear to date how these norms relate... 相似文献
177.
Curt Schuerman B.S. Tim Kalafut Ph.D. Clint Buchanan Ph.D. Joel Sutton M.S.F.S. Jo-Anne Bright Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1072-1084
The reporting of a likelihood ratio (LR) calculated from probabilistic genotyping software has become more popular since 2015 and has allowed for the use of more complex mixtures at court. The meaning of “inconclusive” LRs and how to communicate the significance of low LRs at court is now important. We present a method here using the distribution of LRs obtained from nondonors. The nondonor distribution is useful for examining calibration and discrimination for profiles that have produced LRs less than about 104. In this paper, a range of mixed DNA profiles of varying quantity were constructed and the LR distribution considering the minor contributor for a number of nondonors was compared to the expectation given a calibrated system. It is demonstrated that conditioning genotypes should be used where reasonable given the background information to decrease the rate of nondonor LRs above 1. In all 17 cases examined, the LR for the minor donor was higher than the nondonor LRs, and in 12 of the 17 cases, the 99.9 percentile of the nondonor distribution was lower when appropriate conditioning information was used. The output of the tool is a graph that can show the position of the LR for the person of interest set against the nondonor LR distribution. This may assist communication between scientists and the court. 相似文献
178.
Public pensions and return migration 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Tim Krieger 《Public Choice》2008,134(3-4):163-178
In a median-voter framework with pensions and immigration we show that only few unskilled immigrants are allowed into the country because the unskilled native median voter is concerned with negative effects on his or her wage, but not with the positive effects to other groups in society. When return migration is allowed for, the median voter is more willing to accept immigration because he or she can shift some of the burden to future generations. 相似文献
179.
Howard L. Kaye 《Society》2008,45(2):152-154
Eugene Goodheart provides an eloquent defense of the non-literalist, religious imagination before the aggressive atheism of
several of today’s leading neo-Darwinists. But the position that he takes—that science and religion represent “complementary
perspectives” serving different, yet equally permanent needs—is undermined by two fundamental problems. First, the claim that
science can only tell us how the natural world works, while religion offers meaning, value, and moral guidance, may hold true
when science is understood on the model of mathematical physics, but not when evolutionary biology and its derivatives are
considered. Even Stephen Jay Gould, whose famous defense of science and religion as “nonoverlappling magisteria” resembles
Goodheart’s, acknowledges that the case of evolutionary biology is profoundly different. Here evolutionary fact and moral
values bleed together obscuring the boundary between science and religion. Second, religion and legacy of the religious imagination
embedded in our culture, lose their ability to provide meaning, morals, and consolation when core elements of religious teaching
are no longer believed to be true.
相似文献
Howard L. KayeEmail: |
180.