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171.
The ride‐hailing company Uber has achieved extremely rapid global expansion by means of outmanoeuvring governments, regulators and competitors. The rise of the company has been based on a deliberate strategy of acting as a market disruptive innovator through a user friendly technology and making use of the ‘sharing economy’. These attributes are not unique, but are distinctively augmented by a relentless expansionary ambition and an ability to maintain the capacity to innovate. Uber has generated great political controversy, but the challenge for governments and regulators is to embrace the benefits of the disruptive innovator, while adopting an approach that takes into account the full range of impacts. For Uber, the challenge is to maintain its expansionary style as a disruptive innovator, while also redefining on its terms the political and public debate. The case study of London provides important insights into the dynamics of these processes. 相似文献
172.
Tim Haesebrouck 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2017,30(2-3):137-159
Contrary to what the EU’s image as a civilian power suggests, the EU member states have had 50,000–100,000 troops deployed outside their home countries for most of the post-Cold-War period. Although the vast majority of these troops were active in operations with a strong European presence, the member states’ patterns of military engagement differ significantly. This study provides a systematic analysis of the member states’ contributions to military operations. More specifically, it examines which (combinations of) conditions consistently led to participation in EUFOR Congo, UNIFIL II, EUFOR Chad, the 2011 military intervention in Libya and the air strikes against the Islamic State. Methodologically, it builds on most different similar outcome/most similar different outcome and qualitative comparative analysis. The results of the analysis show that four conditions account for the bulk of the member states’ patterns of military engagements: military resources, competing deployments, UN peacekeeping tradition and regional trade. 相似文献
173.
174.
Tim Jacoby 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(7):1655-1673
This paper looks at the ways in which culturalist discourses have influenced our understanding and representation of the rise of the so-called Islamic State. It argues that, in keeping with older narratives on the motives of ‘bad’ Muslims, its political and economic objectives have been overlooked and/or downplayed. Instead, I propose, there has been a strategically efficacious focus on its appeal to Islam, on its sectarian rhetoric and on its use of violence. By continuing to emphasise the ethical over the political in these ways, the culturalism that underpins the dominant representation of the Islamic State’s emergence has, I conclude, served three key purposes – the mobilisation of the ‘good’ Muslim, the exculpation of Western foreign policy and the legitimisation of force. 相似文献
175.
176.
Tim Conlan 《Public administration review》2010,70(5):811-816
Martha Derthick is among the most influential scholars of American federalism, administrative behavior, and domestic policy making. Her work over a half century has pioneered the study of policy implementation, administrative and political relationships in federal grant programs, intergovernmental policy making, as well as the evolution of the federal system. This essay reviews her major intellectual contributions to the fields of federalism, public administration, and intergovernmental relations. 相似文献
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179.
This report presents a critique of the Industry Commission's final report entitled Competitive Tendering and Contracting by Public Sector Agencies (1996). From a trade union perspective, the authors raise many concerns about the methodology, ideology and findings of the Industry Commission report. 相似文献
180.
Evelyne Huber John D. Stephens 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1992,27(3):57-92
By examining in detail the successes and failures of different development models in one developing country over a four-decade
period, this article sketches a development model for small economies in the 1990s as an alternative to the neoliberal model
pushed by the International Monetary Fund. It reviews the experience of Jamaica with various development models from the 1950s
to the 1990s, with special attention focused on the experience of the Seaga government of the 1980s. It also draws lessons
from the successful development experience of small European countries and of the East Asian Newly Industrialized countries.
In normative terms, the alternative development model attempts to combine growth with equity and democracy. In analytical
terms, it takes account of the constellation of domestic forces and appropriate political strategies, as well as of international
economic and political conditions. The main features are a strong role for the state in economic interactions with transnational
corporations, in identification of export markets and promotion of export production, in selective protection of domestic
industry with an export potential, in promotion of agriculture linked to industrial development, in improvement of human resources
and promotion of regional economic integration. Within these parameters, a crucial role is assigned to the domestic private
sector and a complementary one to foreign investment. Distribution is to be addressed primarily through distribution of productive
assets and access to health care and education.
Evelyne Huber is professor of political science at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. She is a coauthor ofDemocratic Socialism in Jamaica andCapitalist Development and Democracy. She is currently involved in research on the changing role of the state in Latin America and on comparative social policy.
John D. Stephens is professor of political science and sociology at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. He is a
coauthor ofDemocratic Socialism in Jamaica andCapitalist Development and Democracy. His current research focuses on options for social democracy and comparative social policy. 相似文献