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41.
42.
Despite some understanding of general correlates and possible antecedents to intimate partner violence (IPV) within the Christian
community, the impact of religious and spiritual factors tends to be confounded by other factors and is often misjudged. Archival
data from Wave III of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) were used to examine the impact of
nine religious and spiritual factors on the probability of IPV perpetration by males, aged 18 to 26, who nominally classified
themselves as Catholic, Protestant, or Christian. Logistic regression results indicated that IPV perpetration could not be
adequately predicted from the religious and spiritual factors. Given the geographic breadth and the size of the Add Health
sample, no finding of a predictive model for Christian male-perpetrated IPV challenges the paradigm that religious and spiritual
factors should be overtly addressed in faith-based batterers’ programs targeting young adult males. 相似文献
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Daniel Smilov 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2010,53(1):67-77
This article explores the reasons for the introduction of anticorruption agencies of a specific type in Eastern Europe. It
is argued that one of the important functions of these agencies—which are stronger on information gathering, coordination
and strategy rather than on investigation of concrete cases—is to give to the government some leverage over the anticorruption
discourse. Presenting the anticorruption commissions and agencies as (discourse-controlling) instruments gives an answer to
the troubling question why governing parties are at all interested in the introduction of such bodies. Apart from instrumentalization in political discourse, anticorruption
bodies in Eastern Europe have had other effects as well. As shown in the Baltic case, institutional engineering provides for
a brief window of opportunity during which political forces committed to integrity could gain the upper hand. The problem
in Eastern Europe, however, is not the lack of such windows of opportunities—it is more the lack of really committed political
forces capable of continuous and consistent anticorruption effort. 相似文献
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K. Minakata O. Suzuki Y. Ishikawa H. Seno M. Asano 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》1991,50(2)
A simple and sensitive method is described for quantitative analysis of chlorpromazine in blood, serum, urine and tissue homogenate. The chlorpromazine cation radical produced by adding perchloric acid and 2,3-dichloro-5,6-dicyano-p-benzoquinone to the sample can be detected by the ESR method at room temperature. The sensitivity limit is 10 ng, that is, 20 μl of the solution containing 0.5 μg chlorpromazine/ml. The time needed for the measurement is within 10 min. The chlorpromazine radical thus produced is very stable; for example, 95% of the radical was observed after 24 h. The advantage of this method is discussed by comparing with the ordinary spectrophotometry which requires the purification of the sample. 相似文献
50.
Laura K. Landolt 《Global Society》2007,21(3):393-414
To demonstrate that norms have independent causal power, constructivists de-emphasise material factors related to state interests and highlight social factors. Similarly, they conceptualise international organisations as autonomous from state influence, and focus on cases featuring non-state actors that stimulate a “tipping point” of norm diffusion among states in advance of state sponsorship. By contrast, this article utilises an historical materialist approach that admits both social and material data to examine the contrasting case of population control. It finds that US corporate foundations, eugenist demographers, feminist birth control activists and related NGOs conceptualised and promoted population control in the United States, at the United Nations, and across developing countries. However, the tipping point of norm diffusion occurred only after the United States publicly advocated population control. Indeed, material and social factors were inextricably bound together. 相似文献