The economic impact of the denver broncos football club on the denver metropolitan economy

The purpose of the study was to assess the economic impact of the Denver Broncos Football Club on the Denver Metropolitan Area economy. Primary data required to determine the economic impact was collected from three main sources. First, a two page survey questionnaire was mailed to 9,519 randomly selected season ticket holders with 4,810 returned questionnaires. The City and County of Denver provided financial management information reports for all home games as the second source of primary data. Finally, the Denver Broncos administration provided financial information pertaining to operational expenditures. The total industrial output or economic impact was calculated at $ll7,80l,500 for the economic activity associated with the Denver Broncos Football Club for the 1989-1990 season. Direct economic impact was shown to be $64,282,200 and indirect and induced effects corresponding to the multipliers generated by the model was an additional $53,519,300. Employee compensation was $47,213,300 and property income provided $16,732,000 to the Denver metropolitan economy. Indirect business taxes totaling $7,118,300 went to local, county, state and federal government. The economic activity produced 1,828 jobs directly and indirectly resulting from Broncos activity in the metropolitan area.     

Institutions and social movements: the case of comparable worth

Employing evidence from the history of the comparable worth movement, I argue that (1) the State-citizen shaping process is one in which States shape citizens and movements and citizens and movements shape States; (2) States are not always successful in shaping movements because movemnts require a certain level of both stakes and consciousness on the part of potential members; (3) States are more effective at influencing whether a movement will win than they are at actually producing social movements; and (4) the costs and benefits associated with the various institutional channels impact heavily upon a movement, particularly upon its organization and its alliances. These theoretical propositions provide clues as to why the comparable worth movement has been able to persist at the state and local level despite Federal opposition.     

How projects rise and fall: the lifecycle of a dietary modernisation scheme

How do projects grow? How do they fail? What accounts for their changing fortunes? This paper uses the archives of a 1970s modernisation scheme to explore the life cycle of a long-running project, concerning the production of leaf protein in Nigeria. It argues that archives can be very useful for understanding success and failure, and encourages practitioners to take an interest in the story of past projects, even those that failed. Drawing on Actor-Network Theory, it argues that alliances are key to understanding project lifecycles, suggesting that practitioners focus on strengthening local relationships, rather than seeking answers in universal management templates.     

Y-chromosome polymorphism data in Majorcan, Minorcan and Valencian populations (eastern Spain).

Frequency data of the six STRs: (1) DYS19; (2) DYS389I; (3) DYS389II; (4) DYS390; (5) DYS391 and (6) DYS393, and the DYS287 polymorphism (YAP) were determined in a sample of 117 unrelated males from three eastern Spanish populations: 53 from Majorca, 40 from Minorca and 24 from Valencia.     

Bellamy on Dirty Hands and Lesser Evils: A Response

This article offers a response to Alex Bellamy's article 'Dirty Hands and Lesser Evils in the War on Terror'. It outlines deep errors in his claims about 'dirty hands' and 'lesser evils'. Essentially, these errors result from his failure to grapple with the complexity of dirty hands theory, coupled with his uncritical acceptance that dirty hands scenarios are essentially defined as a clash between a public and private morality. Furthermore, we argue that Bellamy's distinction between 'dirty hands' and 'lesser evils' is a spurious one since all dirty hands cases require a choice between lesser evils. In addition, we reject his claim that dirty hands makes no political sense. For illustrative purposes, we then briefly examine one problematic philosophical issue which needs attention if the notion of dirty hands is to be taken seriously. Finally, we demonstrate the usefulness of the concept of dirty hands by applying it to the issue of torture in the so-called 'war on terror'.     

The Managerial Ombudsman

This article identifies a major development in the role and practice of the ombudsman. It argues that the New Public Management practices that have transformed public administration in the last 30 years have led to a more managerial approach to the ombudsman's work. The article's argument is developed through analysis of an empirical case study of the Scottish Public Services Ombudsman, which illustrates how the aims and techniques of managerialism have been deployed in the ombudsman context. The article evaluates the significance of these developments for the ombudsman institution and for the wider justice system. It examines the risks and opportunities inherent in this turn to managerialism and whether it represents a departure from the ombudsman's mission or a necessary adaptation to a changed world of public administration. In identifying the rise of the ‘managerial ombudsman’, the article provides a new framework for conceptualising developments in the modern ombudsman institution.