全文获取类型
收费全文 | 638篇 |
免费 | 24篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 46篇 |
工人农民 | 46篇 |
世界政治 | 75篇 |
外交国际关系 | 48篇 |
法律 | 279篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 158篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 10篇 |
2020年 | 17篇 |
2019年 | 19篇 |
2018年 | 29篇 |
2017年 | 31篇 |
2016年 | 22篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 24篇 |
2013年 | 147篇 |
2012年 | 24篇 |
2011年 | 27篇 |
2010年 | 17篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 17篇 |
2007年 | 23篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 21篇 |
2004年 | 15篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 20篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 11篇 |
1997年 | 7篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 11篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 5篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 6篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 3篇 |
1963年 | 1篇 |
1962年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有662条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
212.
This article reviews the nature of direct interest organizational participation in government in Norway. Organizational involvement, while high, varies markedly across different kinds of associations and issues. Activities are concentrated in the two organizational forms of the committee and remiss systems. The analysis of the linkage patterns with the ministries suggests that corporatism is a somewhat inadequate concept for describing the Norwegian system in general. 相似文献
213.
214.
Tom Uren 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1975,34(1):98-106
I am pleased to be able to speak today to this conference of the Royal Institute of Public Administration. Your conference comes at a time of renewed interest in federalism. In the past year or so there has been an upsurge of new studies and assessments of federalism in the universities and in the press. New life has been breathed into a subject which for so long has seemed dead in spirit, if not in die flesh. 相似文献
215.
Tom R. Tyler 《Political Behavior》1982,4(4):379-399
The studies reported test two hypotheses concerning the conditions under which citizens will attribute more of the responsibility for political events to the president. The first hypothesis, derived from Heider's theory of defensive attribution, is that citizens who feel more threatened by national political problems will judge the president to be more responsible for those problems. The second hypothesis is that those who lack knowledge about political events will attribute more of the responsibility for such events to the president as a cognitive simplifying strategy. These hypotheses were tested in three studies—two surveys on inflation and unemployment and an experiment on nuclear war. The results of all three studies support Heider's defensive attribution hypothesis. Each suggests that those more threatened by a national political problem will hold the president more responsible for that problem. The survey results also suggest that such attributions of responsibility have an influence upon voting behavior, with those who hold the incumbent responsible for national economic problems more likely to vote for the other presidential candidates. The results of the three studies are equally clear in the case of knowledge effects. In none of the studies do those who lack political knowledge attribute increased responsibility for national problems to the president. In addition, there is no evidence of an interaction between threat and knowledge. Instead, threat-induced increases in attributions of responsibility to the president are found to occur to an equal degree at all levels of political knowledge. 相似文献
216.
A detailed analysis leading to the development of a specialized police department planning section has resulted in an improved patrol operation for Rotterdam, based on Larson's travel time model combined with a three-priority queuing model, and the prospect of improved police dispatching and patrol allocation for other cities in the Netherlands. 相似文献
217.
Most theories of legislative behaviour explain the behaviour of MPs through electoral incentives. However, they fail to explain variation in parliamentary activity when individual electoral incentives are largely absent. This article studies MPs’ activity in such a parliament: the Dutch Tweede Kamer. It examines four clusters of incentives that may drive parliamentarians to be active. Party and committee environments provide the best explanation for the level of activity of individual MPs. Reselection and promotion prospects explain MPs’ behaviour, but only under more particular specifications. Re-election prospects were not found to affect activity levels. 相似文献
218.
What makes a well‐functioning governmental crisis management system, and how can this be studied using an organization theory–based approach? A core argument is that such a system needs both governance capacity and governance legitimacy. Organizational arrangements as well as the legitimacy of government authorities will affect crisis management performance. A central argument is that both structural features and cultural context matter, as does the nature of the crisis. Is it a transboundary crisis? How unique is it, and how much uncertainty is associated with it? The arguments are substantiated with empirical examples and supported by a literature synthesis, focusing on public administration research. A main conclusion is that there is no optimal formula for harmonizing competing interests and tensions or for overcoming uncertainty and ambiguous government structures. Flexibility and adaptation are key assets, which are constrained by the political, administrative, and situational context. Furthermore, a future research agenda is indicated. 相似文献
219.
In this contribution we demonstrate how the usage of panel data offers possibilities for testing new hypotheses in a research tradition with a long history in political science. Focusing on citizens’ transitions in and out of voluntary associations, we tested four possible explanations for the well-documented correlation between civic engagement and political socialization. Two are due to self-selection effects (pools of democracy), and two are due to socialization effects (schools of democracy). Our analyses offer little support for the idea of voluntary associations playing a major role in political socialization processes: our latent growth curve models showed no or very little increase of political discussion, interest, efficacy, and action among those who became actively involved in voluntary associations. In contrast, we found convincing evidence for our pools-of-democracy hypotheses, and the self-selection turns out to be a double-edged sword: politically engaged citizens are more likely to join voluntary associations and less likely to leave them. These findings challenge the conclusions of many studies based on cross-sectional data. 相似文献
220.
Frequency data of the nine STRs included in the AmpFlSTR profiler plus kit were determined in a sample of 304 unrelated individuals from three Spanish populations: 103 from Majorca, 100 from Minorca, and 101 from Valencia. 相似文献