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We performed a randomized, cross-over controlled trial to assess the effect of Oleoresin capsicum (OC) spray inhalation on respiratory function by itself and combined with restraint. Thirty-five subjects were exposed to OC or placebo spray, followed by 10 min of sitting or prone maximal restraint position (PMRP). Spirometry, oximetry, and end-tidal CO2 levels were collected at baseline and throughout the 10 min. Data were compared between groups (ANOVA) and with predefined normal values. In the sitting position, OC did not result in any significant changes in mean percent predicted forced vital capacity (%predFVC), percent predicted forced expiratory volume in 1 s (%predFEV1), oxygen, or CO2 levels. In PMRP, mean %predFVC and %predFEV1 fell 14.4 and 16.5% for placebo and 16.2 and 19.1% for OC, but were not significantly different by exposure. There was no evidence of hypoxemia or hypercapnia in either groups. OC exposure did not result in abnormal spirometry, hypoxemia, or hypoventilation when compared to placebo in either sitting or PMRP.  相似文献   
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A three-year review of toxicology data from medical examiner autopsies in Pima County, Arizona, has demonstrated that cocaine has rapidly become a leading substance of abuse, second only to alcohol in the frequency of drugs detected by toxicologic analysis of all suspicious deaths, motor vehicle accident fatalities, homicides, and suicides. Gastric contents and urine were analyzed by thin-layer chromatography, and nasal swabs, blood, and urine were tested for the combination of cocaine and its metabolite benzoylecgonine by quantitative radioimmunoassay. A total of seventy-two deaths in Pima County from 1982 to 1984 have involved cocaine. Seventy percent of these have occurred in the last fifteen months. Marked variation in the individual response to cocaine compared to the blood concentration of cocaine/metabolite was noted.  相似文献   
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Derek C. Jones 《Society》1986,23(3):55-58
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Both ethanol and diazepam are classified as depressants of the central nervous system and exert their effects via the GABAA receptor complex. We report the coexistence and concentrations of ethanol, diazepam, and its primary metabolite nordiazepam in a case series of 234 forensic autopsies collected over a ten-year period. Diazepam, nordiazepam, and ethanol were determined in femoral venous blood by highly selective gas chromatographic methods. The mean (median) femoral blood concentrations were ethanol 0.24 g/100 mL (0.25 g/100 mL), diazepam (D) 0.23 microg/g (0.10 microg/g), nordiazepam (ND) 0.24 micro/g (0.20 microg/g), sum (D + ND) 0.43 microg/g (0.30 microg/g), and the ratio D/ND was 1.19 (1.0). When cause of death was attributed to alcohol and/or drug intoxication (N = 50), the mean and median blood-ethanol concentration was higher, being 0.36 g/100 mL and 0.38 g/100 mL, respectively, whereas the mean (median) and range of blood-diazepam concentrations were about the same, 0.23 microg/g (0.10 microg/g) and 0.05 to 1.2 microg/g. The femoral-blood concentrations of diazepam and nordiazepam were highly correlated (r = 0.73), but there was no correlation between the concentrations of ethanol and diazepam (r = -0.15). In another 114 fatalities (all causes of death) with diazepam and/or nordiazepam as the only drugs present, the mean (median) and range of blood-diazepam concentrations were 0.22 microg/g (0.10 microg/g) and 0.03 to 3.5 microg/g. The pathologists report showed that none of these deaths were classed as drug intoxications. The impression gleaned from this study of ethanol-diazepam deaths is that high blood-ethanol concentration is the major causative factor. We found no evidence that concurrent use of diazepam enhanced the acute toxicity of ethanol, although interpretation is complicated by the high blood-ethanol concentration (median 0.38 g/100 mL), making it difficult to discern an added effect of diazepam.  相似文献   
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Responsible party government theory requires that voters hold parties electorally accountable for their performance in control of government. Existing literature suggests that voters do this only to a limited extent—holding the presidential party's candidates responsible for government performance on Election Day. While this method of voting may hold the executive accountable for his performance, it is not really an effective way to hold the party in control of Congress accountable for its performance. The method falls short particularly when Congress is controlled by a different party than the president, but also whenever a Congress controlled by the same party pursues policies different from the president's. Using surveys of voters leaving the polls in the 1990, 1994, and 1998 midterm congressional elections, this study tests whether voters' evaluations of Congress's job performance also affect their support for majority party candidates in House and Senate elections, during both unified and divided government .  相似文献   
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