全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1433篇 |
免费 | 53篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 85篇 |
工人农民 | 86篇 |
世界政治 | 155篇 |
外交国际关系 | 99篇 |
法律 | 629篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 14篇 |
政治理论 | 404篇 |
综合类 | 13篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 12篇 |
2021年 | 17篇 |
2020年 | 33篇 |
2019年 | 49篇 |
2018年 | 51篇 |
2017年 | 55篇 |
2016年 | 50篇 |
2015年 | 33篇 |
2014年 | 42篇 |
2013年 | 313篇 |
2012年 | 46篇 |
2011年 | 41篇 |
2010年 | 35篇 |
2009年 | 30篇 |
2008年 | 45篇 |
2007年 | 48篇 |
2006年 | 37篇 |
2005年 | 41篇 |
2004年 | 31篇 |
2003年 | 35篇 |
2002年 | 38篇 |
2001年 | 30篇 |
2000年 | 17篇 |
1999年 | 26篇 |
1998年 | 18篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 15篇 |
1995年 | 13篇 |
1994年 | 22篇 |
1993年 | 14篇 |
1992年 | 14篇 |
1991年 | 16篇 |
1990年 | 12篇 |
1989年 | 18篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 12篇 |
1986年 | 14篇 |
1985年 | 11篇 |
1984年 | 18篇 |
1983年 | 9篇 |
1982年 | 14篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 9篇 |
1979年 | 14篇 |
1978年 | 9篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1976年 | 6篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1968年 | 4篇 |
1967年 | 6篇 |
排序方式: 共有1486条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
801.
Does Moral Conviction Really Override Concerns About Procedural Justice? A Reexamination of the Value Protection Model 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
A large research literature on procedural justice demonstrates that people are more accepting of decisions that they do not
feel are advantageous or fair when those decisions are arrived at using just procedures. Recently, several papers (Skitka,
Pers Soc Psychol Bull, 28:588–597, 2002; Skitka and Mullen, Pers Soc Psychol Bull, 28:1419–1429, 2002) have argued that these
procedural mechanisms do not have a significant influence when the decision made concerns issues about which those involved
have strong moral feelings (“a moral mandate”). A reanalysis of the data in these two studies indicates that, contrary to
the strong position taken by the authors, i.e. that “when people have a moral mandate about an outcome, any means justifies
the mandated end” (Skitka, Pers Soc Psychol Bull, 28:594, 2002), the justice of decision-making procedures is consistently
found to significantly influence people’s reactions to decisions by authorities and institutions even when their moral mandates
are threatened.
相似文献
Jaime L. NapierEmail: |
802.
803.
Ragan P Schulte J Nelson SJ Jones KT 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》2008,29(2):148-153
During 2004 and 2005, Florida was struck by 8 hurricanes, resulting in 213 deaths. The Department of Health and Florida medical examiners monitor hurricane mortality surveillance. This study analyzed hurricane-related deaths reported by the Florida Medical Examiners Commission for 2004 to 2005. The objectives of this study were to (1) describe the Florida hurricane-related mortality for 2004 and 2005, (2) accurately characterize the hurricane-related deaths, and (3) identify strategies to prevent or reduce future hurricane deaths. For 2004, there were 144 total hurricane-related deaths. The majority (59%) occurred in the postimpact phase, with accidents accounting for 76% of deaths. Among these, over half were caused by trauma, followed by drowning, other injury, electrocution, and carbon monoxide poisoning. For 2005, there were 69 hurricane-related deaths. Sixty-one percent of deaths occurred in the postimpact phase, with accidents accounting for 86% of all deaths. Among these, over half were due to trauma, with drowning and carbon monoxide poisoning being the other major contributors. Most hurricane-related deaths are due to unintentional injury and therefore, preventable. Seventy-nine percent of deaths are in those aged 40 and older. Prevention messages should target high-risk, postimpact activities, especially in older adults. 相似文献
804.
Jones TR Pratt TC 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2008,52(3):280-295
The issue of prison violence and misconduct has been the subject of considerable academic attention, yet particularized areas of violent victimization within prisons have gone relatively unnoticed. One such area involves sexual violence in prisons. Scholars have argued that sexual violence contributes to a host of institutional and individual-level problems, yet the primary limitation of this body of literature is that it has been largely confined to methodologically questionable studies of prison rape prevalence. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to critically take stock of what is and what is not currently known about the prevalence of prison sexual violence. In doing so, it highlights the direction that future research should take so that evidence-based policies concerning prison sexual violence may be developed. 相似文献
805.
806.
807.
Purpose. This study applies a Bayes analysis to the probability of a particular STATIC‐99 score and its associated re‐offence probability with recidivating for a sexual offence. We examine this probability over three time frames: within 5 years; within 10 years; and within 15 years. Methods. This study was conducted using the same data from Hanson and Thornton (1999) . This dataset is constituted from four different samples: Institut Philippe Pinel (Canada) sample; Millbrook Recidivism Study (Canada) sample; Oak Ridge Division of the Penetanguishene Mental Health Center (Canada) sample; and Her Majesty's Prison Service (UK) sample. The final sample for which sufficient information was available to score the STATIC‐99 includes 1,086 sexual offenders. Bayes statistic has been used to analyse the data. Results. Results are consistent with the STATIC‐99 as a useful assessment tool. The Bayes‐generated probabilities as well as odds ratios show a consistent increase in increased likelihood of re‐offence as the score value increases. Conclusions. The Bayesian analysis of the STATIC‐99 shows that this method is very interesting in the context of risk assessment tools. This approach to risk assessment instruments may be more appropriate in the communication of analytic results as it can offer clinicians a combination of probabilities and likelihood ratios resulting a readily accessible profile of risk. 相似文献
808.
Tom Christensen Mads Dagnis Jensen Michael Kluth Gunnar Helgi Kristinsson Kennet Lynggaard Per Lægreid Risto Niemikari Jon Pierre Tapio Raunio Gústaf Adolf Skúlason 《Regulation & Governance》2023,17(3):658-676
Government responses to the Covid-19 pandemic in the Nordic states—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden—exhibit similarities and differences. This article investigates the extent to which crisis policymaking diverges from normal policymaking within the Nordic countries and whether variations between the countries are associated with the role of expertise and the level of politicization. Government responses are analyzed in terms of governance arrangements and regulatory instruments. Findings demonstrate some deviation from normal policymaking within and considerable variation between the Nordic countries, as Denmark, Finland, and to some extent Norway exhibit similar patterns with hierarchical command and control governance arrangements, while Iceland, in some instances, resembles the case of Sweden, which has made use of network-based governance. The article shows that the higher the influence of experts, the more likely it is that the governance arrangement will be network-based. 相似文献
809.
Democratic theorists typically suggest that citizens served by small local governments have high levels of political efficacy. However, it is conceivable that large governments can overcome the burden of bigness by introducing structures that involve citizens more closely in decision-making. This paper analyses whether jurisdiction size influences political efficacy in Welsh local government, and whether the presence of a citizen panel makes a difference to the size-efficacy relationship. Multi-level analyses suggest that size is negatively associated with internal and external political efficacy, but that the use of citizen panels bolsters the external efficacy of citizens served by larger local government. 相似文献
810.
Surprisingly, perhaps, China’s flagship Belt and Road Initiative expresses a familiar mix of the security–development nexus and liberal interdependence thesis: Chinese leaders expect economic development and integration will stabilise and secure neighbouring states and improve inter-state relations. However, drawing on the record of China’s intensive economic interaction with Myanmar, we argue that the opposite outcome may occur, for two reasons. First, capitalist development is inherently conflict-prone. Second, moreover, China’s cross-border economic relations today are shaped by state transformation – the fragmentation, decentralisation and internationalisation of party-state apparatuses. Accordingly, economic relations often emerge not from coherent national strategies, but from the uncoordinated, even contradictory, activities of various state and non-state agencies at multiple scales, which may exacerbate capitalist development’s conflictual aspects and undermine official policy goals. In the Sino-Myanmar case, the lead Chinese actors creating and managing cross-border economic engagements are sub-national agencies and enterprises based in, or operating through, Yunnan province. The rapacious form of development they have pursued has exacerbated insecurity, helped to reignite ethnic conflict in Myanmar’s borderlands, and plunged bilateral relations into crisis. Consequently, the Chinese government has had to change its policy and intervene in Myanmar’s domestic affairs to promote peace negotiations. 相似文献