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311.
312.
Participatory risk assessment: a new approach for safer food in vulnerable African communities 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
Delia Grace Tom Randolph Janice Olawoye Morenike Dipelou Erastus Kang'ethe 《Development in Practice》2008,18(4-5):611-618
Women play the major role in food supply in developing countries, but too often their ability to feed their families properly is compromised; the result is high levels of food-borne disease and consequent limited access to higher-value markets. We argue that risk-based approaches – current best practice for managing food safety in developed countries – require adaptation to the difficult context of informal markets. We suggest participatory research and gender analysis as boundary-spanning mechanisms, bringing communities and food-safety implementers together to analyse food-safety problems and develop workable solutions. Examples show how these methodologies can contribute to operationalising risk-based approaches in urban settings and to the development of a new approach to assessing and managing food safety in poor countries, which we call ‘participatory risk analysis’. 相似文献
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Tom Ling 《Public administration》2002,80(4):615-642
In the UK, joined–up government (JUG) was a central part of the first Blair government's programme for public sector reform. It remains a pivotal, if more muted, feature of the second term. We will identify the range of disparate activities that have been branded as 'joined up'. We then look at the variety of official guidance coming from the centre of government to highlight the overlapping and competing strategies that underpinned the implementation of joined–up government. Various competing strategies have been advocated and implemented at any one time. Therefore the situation was more fluid and more contested than might be inferred from the use of the homogenizing term 'joined–up government'. We conclude by briefly considering what this implies for our understanding of intra–state relationships, of the relationships between public agencies and civil society, and the relationship between JUG and the politics of the Third Way. 相似文献
316.
The use of drug testing to detect drug use and to screen prospective employees has become commonplace in many occupations, both in the public and private sector. Due to the sensitive nature of their duties, drug testing in law enforcement agencies has become nearly universal, especially as a tool to screen applicants. Despite the fact that many large agencies routinely use drug testing, relatively little is known about the rate at which officers test positive for drug use, characteristics of officers who test positive, nor the drug of choice among currently employed sworn law enforcement personnel. The purpose of this article is to discuss various issues related to drug testing in the workplace and to explore one agency's experience with randomized drug testing of its sworn officers. 相似文献
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Tom W. Smith 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2003,19(4):441-445
A pilot study using a seeded sample finds that gun-carrying and permit holding are accurately reported by concealed-carry permit holders. This is consistent with the findings of past validation studies of gun ownership. Moreover, the similarity in gun uses across the seeded and cross-section samples indicates that both collect consistent data. 相似文献
319.
Every lawyer either has heard of or has been involved in a divorce case that initially seemed manageable and resolvable only to find that it develops into a nightmarish drama. The parties involved in such cases are often those who have a personality disorder. A personality disorder is a clinical term used to describe people who are "locked in" for many years, with certain exaggerated personality traits that interfere with many aspects of their daily functioning. It is exceptionally difficult to achieve client control when working with a client with a personality disorder. This article will describe nine personality disorders, how to identify them, and how to work with them. 相似文献
320.
Montenegro's political evolution since the mid-1990s undermines the stereotypical view that disputes over nationality and territory in the Balkans are bound to end in violence. Montenegro's case also shows that ethnic identity is fluid rather than fixed in large parts of the region. Its bid for independence appears to be heavily dependent on the way that disputes between the Atlantic democracies and Serbia are resolved. Montenegro has formidable handicaps to overcome if it is to sever its constitutional links with Serbia and embrace full statehood. It is hard to see how this can be accomplished without international economic backing. 相似文献