The relationship of the outcome and procedural fairness: How does knowing the outcome influence judgments about the procedure?

Justice theories distinguish between fair procedures and fair or favorable outcomes. However, it is not clear whether people can clearly separate judgments about procedures from knowledge of the outcomes of those procedures. Two experiments are reported which address that question. In both studies respondents evaluate the fairness of decision-making procedures. In one case those evaluations occur prior to knowing the outcome of the procedure (behind the veil), while in the other the outcome is known before the procedural evaluation (in front of the veil). Two hypotheses about outcome influence are tested: that knowing the outcome changes themeaning of procedural fairness and that knowing the outcome changes theweight given to procedural fairness. Findings of both studies suggest that prior knowledge about the outcome does not change the way people define the meaning of the fairness of a procedure. However, people place less weight on their judments about procedural fairness when evaluating the decision maker if they make those judgments already knowing the outcome of the procedure.     

DharmakĪrti and Tibetans onAd \underset{\raise0.3em\hbox{ Śyānupalabdhihetu

The present article was first prepared for a panel on Tibetan developments of Dharmakrti's thought, which was part of the International Association of Tibetan Studies Congress in Oslo 1992. My thanks to Ernst Steinkellner and Georges Dreyfus for comments and to Helmut Tauscher for photocopies of 'U yug pa's text.     

The economic impact of the denver broncos football club on the denver metropolitan economy

The purpose of the study was to assess the economic impact of the Denver Broncos Football Club on the Denver Metropolitan Area economy. Primary data required to determine the economic impact was collected from three main sources. First, a two page survey questionnaire was mailed to 9,519 randomly selected season ticket holders with 4,810 returned questionnaires. The City and County of Denver provided financial management information reports for all home games as the second source of primary data. Finally, the Denver Broncos administration provided financial information pertaining to operational expenditures. The total industrial output or economic impact was calculated at $ll7,80l,500 for the economic activity associated with the Denver Broncos Football Club for the 1989-1990 season. Direct economic impact was shown to be $64,282,200 and indirect and induced effects corresponding to the multipliers generated by the model was an additional $53,519,300. Employee compensation was $47,213,300 and property income provided $16,732,000 to the Denver metropolitan economy. Indirect business taxes totaling $7,118,300 went to local, county, state and federal government. The economic activity produced 1,828 jobs directly and indirectly resulting from Broncos activity in the metropolitan area.     

How projects rise and fall: the lifecycle of a dietary modernisation scheme

How do projects grow? How do they fail? What accounts for their changing fortunes? This paper uses the archives of a 1970s modernisation scheme to explore the life cycle of a long-running project, concerning the production of leaf protein in Nigeria. It argues that archives can be very useful for understanding success and failure, and encourages practitioners to take an interest in the story of past projects, even those that failed. Drawing on Actor-Network Theory, it argues that alliances are key to understanding project lifecycles, suggesting that practitioners focus on strengthening local relationships, rather than seeking answers in universal management templates.     

Y-chromosome polymorphism data in Majorcan, Minorcan and Valencian populations (eastern Spain).

Frequency data of the six STRs: (1) DYS19; (2) DYS389I; (3) DYS389II; (4) DYS390; (5) DYS391 and (6) DYS393, and the DYS287 polymorphism (YAP) were determined in a sample of 117 unrelated males from three eastern Spanish populations: 53 from Majorca, 40 from Minorca and 24 from Valencia.     

Bellamy on Dirty Hands and Lesser Evils: A Response

This article offers a response to Alex Bellamy's article 'Dirty Hands and Lesser Evils in the War on Terror'. It outlines deep errors in his claims about 'dirty hands' and 'lesser evils'. Essentially, these errors result from his failure to grapple with the complexity of dirty hands theory, coupled with his uncritical acceptance that dirty hands scenarios are essentially defined as a clash between a public and private morality. Furthermore, we argue that Bellamy's distinction between 'dirty hands' and 'lesser evils' is a spurious one since all dirty hands cases require a choice between lesser evils. In addition, we reject his claim that dirty hands makes no political sense. For illustrative purposes, we then briefly examine one problematic philosophical issue which needs attention if the notion of dirty hands is to be taken seriously. Finally, we demonstrate the usefulness of the concept of dirty hands by applying it to the issue of torture in the so-called 'war on terror'.