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471.
Lotte Bøgh Andersen Torben Beck Jørgensen Anne Mette Kjeldsen Lene Holm Pedersen 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(11):715-728
Further integration of the public value literature with other strands of literature within Public Administration necessitates a more specific classification of public values. This article applies a typology linked to organizational design principles, because this is useful for empirical public administration studies. Based on an existing typology of modes of governance, we develop a classification and test it empirically, using survey data from a study of the values of 501 public managers. We distinguish among seven value dimensions (the public at large, rule abidance, balancing interests, budget keeping, efficient supply, professionalism, and user focus), and we find systematic differences between organizations at different levels and with different tasks, indicating that the classification is fruitful. Our goal is to enable more precise analyses of value conflicts and improve the integration between the public value literature and other parts of the Public Administration discipline. 相似文献
472.
Most developed countries continue to experience problems with malfeasance and corruption, making accountability a fundamental concern of the public government. Still, the mechanisms which ensure accountability are not given. This article explores two different and apparently conflicting principles of accountability in public organizations: “Professionalism” based on values and internalized incentive structures and “Managerialism” based on externalized incentives and hierarchy. The empirical analysis is based on a comparative survey among local government leaders in Sweden and Norway. The analysis shows that both professionalism and managerialism are regarded as important means for accountability and tend to be understood as complementary more than competing principles. 相似文献
473.
During waves of contention, international media attention can be of crucial importance for activists and protest participants. However, media attention is a scarce resource and the competition over news coverage is high. While some emphasize the agenda-setting power of news outlets and argue that receiving coverage is determined by factors outside the protest movement, others suggest a dynamic relationship between media attention and activism where social movement organizations are assumed to have some agency to make it to the news. In this article, we contribute to the latter and analyze how protest can endogenously trigger more coverage. Building on insights from communication science, we argue that widely covered protests attract media attention and temporarily lower the selection threshold for subsequent incidents. Using fine-grained data on anti-regime protest in all authoritarian countries between 2003 and 2012, we find robust empirical evidence for this hypothesis. We also show that this effect becomes weaker and eventually disappears with increasing spatial and temporal distance from a highly salient event. These findings are important for research in contentious politics, since they allow us to gauge the extent to which protest activity on the ground may under certain circumstances be overreported in the media. 相似文献
474.
There are growing pressures for the public sector to be more innovative but considerable disagreement about how to achieve it. This article uses institutional and organizational analysis to compare three major public innovation strategies. The article confronts the myth that the market‐driven private sector is more innovative than the public sector by showing that both sectors have a number of drivers of as well as barriers to innovation, some of which are similar, while others are sector specific. The article then systematically analyzes three strategies for innovation: New Public Management, which emphasizes market competition; the neo‐Weberian state, which emphasizes organizational entrepreneurship; and collaborative governance, which emphasizes multiactor engagement across organizations in the private, public, and nonprofit sectors. The authors conclude that the choice of strategies for enhancing public innovation is contingent rather than absolute. Some contingencies for each strategy are outlined. 相似文献
475.
Stig Thøgersen Y.W. Faye Chan Jenny Clegg Flemming Christiansen Woei Lien Chong Clemens Stubbe Ostergaard 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(4):689-710
Joseph Fewsmith Dilemmas of Reform in China. Political Conflict and Economic Debate Armonk, NY and London: M.E. Sharpe, 1994. 289 pp. £44.00. ISBN 1–56324–327‐X. Tani E. Barlow Gender Politics in Modern China: Writing and Feminism Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1993. 307 pp. £15.95. ISBN 0–8223–1389–8. William A. Joseph (ed.) China Briefing, 1994 Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1994. 234pp. £10.50. ISBN 0–8133–2057–7. Y.Y. Kueh and Robert F. Ash (eds) Economic Trends in Chinese Agriculture. The Impact of the Post‐Mao Reforms Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. xii + 405 pp. £45.00. ISBN 019–828753–4. X.L. Ding (Ding Xueliang) The Decline of Communism in China: Legitimacy Crisis, 1977–1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 230 pp. £30.00. ISBN 0–521–45138–8. Minxin Pei From Reform to Revolution. The Demise of Communism in China and the Soviet Union Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1994. 253pp. £29.95. ISBN 0–674–32563‐X. Julia F. Andrews Painters and Politics in the People's Republic of China 1949–1979 Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1994. xv + 568 pp. $75.00. ISBN 0–520–07981–7. E. Wayne Nafziger, Learning From the Japanese: Japan's Pre‐war Development and the Third World, Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1995. xv + 221pp. ISBN 1–56324–485–3, paperback 1–56324–486–1. Richard J. Samuels ’Rich Nation Strong Army'; National Security and the Technological Transformation of Japan Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1994. 455 pp. £38.50. ISBN 0–8014–2705–3. Alan Burnett The Western Pacific: Challenge of Sustainable Growth London: Earthscan, 1993. 276 pp. £15.95. ISBN 1–85383–1581 Tom Wells The War Within: America's Battle Over Vietnam Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1994. 706 pp. £27.50. ISBN 0–5200–8367–9. Ross Garnaut, Peter Drysdale and John Kunkel (eds) Asia Pacific Regionalism: Readings in International Relations Sydney: Harper Educational, 1994. 433 pp. ISBN 0–06–312140–9. Atu Emberson‐Bain Labour and Gold in Fiji Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. 270 pp. £40.00. ISBN 0–521–36372–1. 相似文献
476.
Michael Zürn 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):680-704
Both realists and institutionalists have radicalized their analyses and findings in recent years. Whereas one camp no longer speaks exclusively of bipolarity and hegemony, but of unipolarity and empire, the other no longer refers exclusively to international regimes and institutions, but to global governance and constitutionalization. And both can refer to real world developments in support of their analyses. However, conceptual perspectives that can do justice to this dual development — i. e., the increasing dominance of the USA in the international system and the increasing significance of global norms — are lacking. The aim of this paper is to present such an integrated view and to argue that a constitutional world polity and unipolarity are not the poles of a one-dimensional category. Instead, it is possible that the significance of international norms and imbalances in the international distribution of power increase simultaneously. To this extent, the talk of both a new empire and of the world republic encompasses real and relevant developments. However, it is not until they are considered in combination that an adequate picture emerges: in fact, according to the core thesis of this paper, a third phenomenon, a “legally stratified multilevel system”, appears to be emerging. 相似文献
477.
478.
Asbjørn Torvanger Odd Godal 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2004,4(1):65-91
Although the Kyoto Protocol has set a precedent for future climate negotiations, particularly with respect to differentiation
of targets between countries, the current approach is likely to be insufficient as a foundation for future targets. A more
systematic approach is deemed necessary to meet the challenges of negotiating new targets after 2012 as well as involving
the USA and perhaps developing countries. We argue that better negotiation tools can be helpful in this regard. We thus present
an overview of more systematic differentiation methods for national greenhouse gas reduction targets. We draw from the proposals
that were submitted in the climate negotiations from 1995 to 1997 leading up to the Kyoto Protocol, the EU's Triptique approach
for internal differentiation of targets, and three proposals discussed in the literature on fairness principles.
The most promising and helpful proposals for future negotiations are given particular attention: the second proposal by Japan,
the French proposal, the Norwegian proposal, the Brazilian proposal, and Triptique. A numerical illustration of the former
three together with the Sovereignty, Egalitarian, and Ability to Pay fairness principles is provided. Using resemblance to
the Kyoto Protocol to measure political feasibility, we find that the proposals rank in the order; (1) the second Japanese;
(2) the French; (3) the Norwegian; (4) the Sovereignty; (5) the Ability to Pay; and (6) the Egalitarian, the last being particularly
infeasible. 相似文献
479.
We propose an economic interpretation of the definition of a dominant position used by the European Court of Justice (ECJ). Then we apply co-integration techniques to test econometrically whether the sole Danish producer of cement holds a dominant position. Import penetration tests show that its conduct is independent of import price and quantity, so it can act to a considerable extent independently of its competitors. We also test whether it can act independently of its customers and find that its demand is inelastic with respect to its price. It thus holds a dominant position on the relevant Danish market. 相似文献
480.