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501.
Abstract Local government is subject to extensive lobbying, which is reasonable given the greater importance of the local public sector in large welfare states. Most of the scholarly attention has been focused on lobbying at the national level, often addressing the impact of interest groups on public policies. This article discusses a decision–making model where interest groups optimize their lobbying efforts given the way that different local governments and individual politicians respond to these activities. A number of propositions are tested on the basis of data from Norwegian local government. Contrary to prior theorizing, we do not find that representatives seeking re–election are contacted more frequently by interest groups. Interest groups target their lobbying activities toward politicians who are members of the relevant council committees, and they exert stronger pressure on members of the executive board and active representatives who perceive themselves as influential. Inter–municipal differences are also of importance: The lobbying activities are more intensive where electoral participation is low and in the larger urban municipalities, while the size of legislatures and the strength of the local political leadership affect lobbying efforts negatively. Interest groups tend to be more active in the richer local governments. The demands of the residential population impact weakly on lobbying efforts.  相似文献   
502.
The aim is to analyze short-term fluctuations in Danish parliamentary party cohesion on the backdrop of an American electoral pattern in party cohesion. A Danish cycle is documented: party cohesion in relation to voting behavior is especially high just after an election, then it drops to rise again as election time approaches. A rational choice re-election model predicts the rise in party cohesion, but an obligation actualization model predicts the full cycle. Elections actualize Danish MPs' moral obligation to their party. Where American party cohesion drops in an election year, Danish party cohesion rises when an election approaches. This may be explained by different preferences in the American and Danish electorates: Danish voters value party cohesion per se , American voters do not.  相似文献   
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505.
Chronic alcohol abuse (CAA) has deleterious effects on skeletal health. This study examined the impact of CAA on bone with regard to bone density, structure, and strength. Bone specimens from 42 individuals with CAA and 42 individuals without alcohol abuse were obtained at autopsy. Dual‐energy X‐ray absorptiometry (DEXA), compression testing, ashing, and bone histomorphometry were performed. Individuals with CAA had significantly lower bone mineral density (BMD) in the femoral neck and significantly lower bone volume demonstrated by thinner trabeculae, decreased extent of osteoid surfaces, and lower mean wall thickness of trabecular osteons compared to individuals without alcohol abuse. No significant difference was found for bone strength and structure. Conclusion: CAA leads to low bone mass due to a decrease in bone formation but with no destruction of bone architecture nor a decrease in bone strength. It is questionable whether this per se increases fracture risk.  相似文献   
506.
Training of police officers is important in order to maintain an effective law enforcement community. The present study investigates the mediating effect of motivation for operational duties on the relation between operational self-efficacy and performance satisfaction as well as perceived strain during a simulated operational scenario. Moderating effects of personality hardiness on the same relations were also investigated. Personality hardiness as a moderator was found only for the relation between operational self-efficacy and performance satisfaction. A positive effect was found for high hardy subjects, and a negative effect was found for low hardy subjects. The results also showed a mediating effect of motivation for operational duties on both performance satisfaction and perceived strain. This could have implication for selection and training in the police force.  相似文献   
507.
South–South Cooperation is an emerging trend in international development assistance. Since 2011, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) initiative in South Sudan has been one of the most comprehensive attempts at post-conflict capacity development through South–South Cooperation, in terms of both scope and level of funding. This paper looks at the well-being of civil servant support officers deployed under the IGAD initiative, and the relationship between well-being and project performance. The paper explores assumptions underpinning South–South Cooperation and seeks to establish a better understanding of well-being and its impact on project performance. The paper also examines whether the second phase of the initiative has adequately addressed various challenges identified in the first phase. The paper finds that well-being, although often overlooked, has been critical to programme success in the IGAD initiative.  相似文献   
508.
Abstract: Blood‐borne viral infections are widespread among injecting drug users; however, it is difficult to include these patients in serological surveys. Therefore, we developed a national surveillance program based on postmortem testing of persons whose deaths were drug related. Blood collected at autopsy was tested for anti‐HBc, anti‐HBs, anti‐hepatits C virus (HCV), or anti‐human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) antibodies using commercial kits. Subsets of seropositive samples were screened for viral genomes using sensitive in‐house and commercial polymerase chain reaction (PCR) assays. Hepatitis B virus (HBV) DNA was detected in 20% (3/15) of anti‐HBc‐positive/anti‐HBs‐negative samples, HCV RNA was found in 64% (16/25) of anti‐HCV‐positive samples, and HIV RNA was detected in 40% (6/15) of anti‐HIV‐positive samples. The postmortem and antemortem prevalences of HBV DNA and HCV RNA were similar. Postmortem HIV RNA testing was less sensitive than antemortem testing. Thus, postmortem PCR analysis for HBV and HBC infection is feasible and relevant for demonstrating ongoing infections at death or for transmission analysis during outbreaks.  相似文献   
509.
The early twentieth century saw many democracies adopt proportional representative systems. The textbook explanation, pioneered by Rokkan, emphasize between‐party electoral competition; the rise of the Socialist vote share made Bourgeois parties prefer PR systems to maximize their seat share. While appealing, this account is not entirely compelling. Consequently, scholars are investigating within‐party explanations of support for such reforms. Particularly, Cox, Fiva, and Smith show how list PR enable party leaders to discipline members and build cohesive parties. Relying on roll‐call votes across the Norwegian 1919 electoral reform from two‐round single‐member plurality to closed‐list PR, they show that the internal party cohesion increased following the reform. We investigate how the Norwegian electoral reform changed the content of parliamentary speeches. Comparing speeches from MPs present both before and after the reform, we show how parties become more cohesive in parliamentary debates under list PR than they were under the single‐member‐district system.  相似文献   
510.

The architecture of global carbon markets has changed significantly since the Paris Agreement and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals were both agreed in 2015. Voluntary, international cooperative approaches established in Article 6 of the Paris Agreement allow Parties to work together to achieve the targets set out in their respective Nationally Determined Contributions to limit global warming to an increase below 1.5–2 °C. In Article 6.4, a sustainable mitigation mechanism is established for which rules, modalities and procedures will be developed internationally considering the experience and lessons learned from existing mechanisms, such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and its Sustainable Development (SD) Tool. Historically the issue of making integrated assessments of sustainable development and mitigation actions has been politically and methodologically controversial for many reasons: developing countries fear that an international definition of SD will interfere with their sovereignty and therefore their ability to define their own development pathways; players in the carbon market fear that markets can only handle one objective, namely mitigation outcomes; and sustainable development is regarded as too complex and costly to be measured and quantified. In an effort to address these concerns, the article proposes a new methodology for the sustainability labelling of climate mitigation actions relevant to Article 6 approaches. The article draws on an application of the CDM SD tool to analyse 2098 Component Programme Activities that had entered the CDM Pipeline by January 2017. The article demonstrates that assessment of the sustainable development benefits of climate actions can be graded and labelled based on the analysis of qualitative data, which is less costly than applying a quantitative approach.

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