Consociationalism,corruption and chocolate: Belgian exceptionalism

Governing Belgium is a more complex challenge than governing most other industrialised democracies. The linguistic cleavage and its associated consociationalism, the extremely complex form of federalism, and enduring socio-economic cleavages all pose difficulties for the public sector. Many of the exceptional features of Belgian politics, notably the strength of political parties and perhaps greater clientelism and corruption than found in many other European systems can be seen, however, as means of coping with these complexities and enabling the system to govern.     

Forensic analysis of carbohydrate-deficient transferrin (CDT): implementation of a screening and confirmatory analysis concept is hampered by the lack of CDT isoform standards

The aim of the study was to test combinations of commercially available carbohydrate-deficient transferrin (CDT) assays for their usefulness as screening and confirmatory CDT analysis systems. A set of 292 serum samples from routine CDT analysis was analyzed by two assays based on anion-exchanger microcolumn CDT and non-CDT fractionation followed by a turbidimetric immunoassay (ChronAlcoI.D. and %CDT TIA) and a high-performance liquid chromatography with on-line sample preparation (ClinRep CDT on-line). The CDT analysis results were divided into four groups based on the test-specific borderlines of the compared methods: NN with negative CDT results by both tests, PN with positive screening but negative confirmation results, NP with negative screening and positive confirmation results, and PP with positive results by both tests. Regardless of the test combination and whether applying the lower or upper limits of the borderlines, approximately one-third of contradictory (positive screening and negative confirmation or vice versa corresponding to groups PN and NP) were obtained. This was not due to analytical outliers (only 6 of 292 serum samples). Indeed, parametric and non-parametric ANOVA analysis pointed to different calibrations and/or recoveries of the three CDT assays. Our data give again evidence for the urgent need of an international CDT isoform standard material. At this time, we cannot recommend a combination of the three tests for screening and confirmatory analysis in forensic CDT testing.     

European security policy for the people? Public opinion and the EU's Common Foreign,Security and Defence policy

The democratic foundations of European integration in the foreign and defence realm are increasingly being debated. This article looks at the question of democratic legitimacy from one particular angle, by examining public opinion as measured in Eurobarometer surveys between 1989 and 2009. Based on reflections about the relation between polling results and wider questions of democracy, it examines three aspects of public opinion: general support for a common foreign and a common defence policy; differences among support rates in EU member states; and what roles Europeans would prefer for European armed forces. It turns out that general support for a common foreign policy is high, whereas the desirability of a common defence policy is much more contested. Moreover, citizens across Europe would prefer European armed forces to take on traditional tasks, as territorial defence. An EU defence policy that goes beyond strict intergovernmentalism and is directed towards protecting international law and universal human rights would thus require a significant communicative effort to become accepted.     

Pares Inter Pares? The Bargaining Success of the Commission,the Council,and the Parliament in European Union Legislative Negotiations

This research note tries to determine how politically successful the Council, the Commission, and the European Parliament are in the area of EU legislative decision‐making. After reviewing the literature, a research design is presented which incorporates information on the policy preferences of the different institutional actors for 70 recent EU legislative decisions that were negotiated under the consultation and the codecision procedure. We use correlation and OLS regression to analyze the distances between what the EU institutional actors want and what they eventually get out of the process. The findings of the analysis are that (1) the preference profiles of the three actors are rather dissimilar, and that (2) the success rates of the Council are higher than the rates of the Commission and Parliament.     

Negotiated Case-ending Settlements: Ways of Speeding up the (Court) Process

The subject of this article is a special type of fast-tracked case-ending decisions called “negotiated case-ending settlements”. Those proceedings are based on a kind of agreement between the parties, end with a real conviction of the offender and their legal consequence is a true but mitigated punishment. They can be found in six of 11 countries studied, namely, in England & Wales, Croatia, France, Hungary, Poland and Spain. The English guilty plea procedures, the French appearance before a court after prior admission of guilt and the Polish prosecutor’s application for a conviction to be rendered without a trial as well as the voluntary submission to penalty are examined more closely here. The comparative study focuses on the stage, where the negotiation is made, the conditions for the use of these settlements and the PPS’s role therein.     

Does Power Drive Out Trust? Relations between Labour Market Actors in Sweden

Although power and trust are crucial to human cooperation, and considerable attention has been paid to both these concepts in the social sciences, the relationship between them has been poorly investigated. In this article, based on data about a complete network of labour market actors in Sweden, it is investigated whether power 'drives out trust' or if power is a requirement of trust. In contrast to previous research, the article concludes that there is a positive relationship between power and trust, although it levels out when power is at a very high level. Also in disagreement with previous findings, it is shown that symmetry in power relations is not a guarantee of trust: two actors with symmetric low power do not trust each other, at least not in this specific institutional setting. Moreover, the theoretical argument is developed and refined by showing that shared beliefs and group membership also have an independent impact on trust, as well as a perception that the other actor is pursuing the common good. Hence, the presumed negative impact of power on trust is not only neutralised, but also transformed into a positive impact in the social context investigated here. However, more research is needed to show whether this finding is true only within certain institutional settings and, if so, within which ones.