首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   13篇
  免费   0篇
各国政治   4篇
外交国际关系   1篇
法律   7篇
政治理论   1篇
  2019年   1篇
  2015年   1篇
  2014年   1篇
  2013年   1篇
  2012年   2篇
  2007年   1篇
  2006年   1篇
  2004年   2篇
  2001年   1篇
  2000年   1篇
  1998年   1篇
排序方式: 共有13条查询结果,搜索用时 7 毫秒
11.
Kawagoe  Toshiji  Mori  Toru 《Public Choice》2001,108(3-4):331-354
In this paper we use a laboratory experiment toexamine the Pivotal mechanism when applied to a binarydecision on a public project of a fixed size. Wefirst point out that the well-known incentivecompatibility of the Pivotal mechanism is true only in aweak sense; There are always strategies otherthan truth-telling that do no worse for a subject thantruth-telling, in any particular set of circumstances.This weakness of the incentive compatibility ofthe Pivotal mechanism makes it difficult for subjects tounderstand that truth-telling is the unique dominantstrategy for the mechanism, unless they havecomprehensive understanding of the payoff structure,with the result that subjects often do not play thedominant strategy. We suggest that this tendency todepart from the dominant strategy can be overcome byproviding subjects with more information about the payoffstructure. We controlled the level of informationprovision in the laboratory and verified that thestrategies used are closer to the dominant strategywhen more information is provided. Under noinformation provision conditions were outcomes poor,but under ``wide'' provision conditions, in which eachsubject experienced a variety of true personalvaluations of the project, departure from thedominant strategy was smaller in magnitude, and under``deep'' provision conditions, in which detailed payofftables were available to each subject, the rate of useof the dominant strategy increased significantly.  相似文献   
12.
Toru Horiuchi 《East Asia》2014,31(1):23-47
This article examines the role of public opinion in Japan in directly influencing the Japanese government’s decision to nationalize the Senkaku Islands in 2012. The public mood in Japan is becoming increasingly nationalistic. Although this does not immediately mean the return of militarism in the country, such a mood is especially evident with respect to China. The nationalization of the Islands took place within this nationalistic domestic environment. In the case of the nationalization, public opinion was channeled most notably through Tokyo Governor Ishihara. His plan to purchase the Islands and strong public support for his plan eventually forced the central government’s intervention. Prime Minister Noda simply could not force Ishihara to give up his plan because going against such a popular politician who was enjoying strong public support would almost certainly have caused a strong public backlash and resulted in electoral punishment. On the other hand, Noda was also concerned that Tokyo’s successful acquisition of the Islands would lead to severe criticism of his government for not properly protecting Japan’s territorial integrity. There was also a more serious concern that Ishihara’s control of the Islands might lead to a change of the status quo and thus dangerously provoke China. Therefore, Noda had no choice but to intervene and nationalize the Islands. If he was also seeking to mobilize public opinion in his favor, he was not entirely successful.  相似文献   
13.
Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) emerged as the largestregional body in history and gave rise to two institutionaldiscourses: open regionalism and Asian values. Open regionalismentailed the articulation of a non-discriminatory and inclusiveregionalism. While endorsing the idea of an Asia-Pacific community,APEC has suffered as a result of clashes between two of itscore constituencies, its Asian and Anglo-Saxon members. In reality,APEC had lost its articulatory role by the mid-1990s; no significantagreements have been concluded since the Osaka summit of 1995.However, Asian values have emerged as a vehicle for the advocacyof Asian identity, instead of the open regionalism of APEC.This paper, then, focuses primarily on these two institutionaldiscourses and explores the evolution of APEC; how discourseson ‘Asianness’ have been articulated as an alternativeto the idea of an Asia-Pacific identity.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号