Terrorism and pork-barrel spending

The horrifying, tragic events of 9/11 made Americans aware of their vulnerability to terrorist attacks and triggered the creation of the Department of Homeland Security along with a substantial increase in federal spending to both thwart terrorist attacks and to increase our ability to respond to such emergencies. Much of this large increase in spending was in the form of direct transfers to states and cities through several grant programs. Homeland Security grants may be used for protection against terrorist activities, thereby enhancing public interests, or as wealth transfers to state and local governments, enhancing the reelection efforts of incumbents, and thus, private interests. Using 2004 per capita Homeland Security grant funding to states and their cities, we find that the funding formula used for some of the grant programs, which allocates almost 40% of the funds in some grant programs through a minimum percent to each state with the rest allocated based on population, means that per capita funding is related to electoral votes per capita, i.e., to the politics of Presidential re-election. However, the funding in other grant programs is also related to some of the dangers and vulnerabilities faced by states and their cities. Some of the variation in per capita grant allocations is also explained by the amount of airport traffic in the state and the state's population density, which are variables closely linked to the state's vulnerability to attack. Per capita Homeland Security grant allocations, however, do not seem to be related to the closeness of the 2000 presidential race.     

Besprechungen

Ohne Zusammenfassung     

Central-Local Government Relations in Transition: The Case of Swedish Child Care

The provision of subsidized child care has grown to become asizeable economic activity in Sweden during recent decades.This paper examines the changed financial relation betweencentral and local governments and the impact of child-caregrants on local government behaviour. We find that during anearlier regime, with a system of matching grants, localgovernments responded strongly to the incentives of the rules.This resulted in both intended and unintended outcomes, aswell as a distortion of information to the central government.Experiences from a recent transition of regime towards a kindof closed block grant system, illustrates new types ofadaptive behaviour but also the problem of finding a formulafor a fair allocation of resources among local governments.When designing a block grant system a distinction must be madebetween expenditures and resource needs; cost expenditure datado not necessarily reflect resource needs in cases where thereare national categorical equity goals related to socialservices of a merit-want character.     

Social policy in rich and poor countries

Nomination: Does politics matter? A perennial question! by Hans Keman, p.159
Reflections: Politics does indeed matter! by Manfred G. Schmidt, p.164     

The cumulation problem

Abstract After a discussion of possible components in a definition of 'cumulation' and the relative lack of cumulation in political science, a scheme for research strategies is outlined with the aim of facilitating cumulation, or at least facilitating a diagnosis of the state of political science in this respect. The scheme includes three types of studies: (1) analysis of the formal properties of theoretical approaches in political science, (2) content analyses in the form of inventories of problems, propositions and concepts in the discipline, (3) evaluational analysis, i.e. an assessment of what 'theory criteria' to use for evaluating the approaches and of the probable relations between these criteria.     

The proximity and the directional theories of issue voting: Comparative results for the USA and Germany

Abstract In several recent studies George Rabinowitz and his co–authors challenge the 'classical' spatial model of issue voting, the proximity model, by introducing a directional model. In this article we examine whether different measurement of perceived issue positions of candidates or parties leads to diverging judgments about the predictive power of the directional model (which is claimed to be empirically superior), as compared to the proximity model, using data from the USA and Germany. The results demonstrate that the measurement preferred by Rabinowitz et al. tends to bias empirical findings in favour of directional theory. If we use a more plausible operational definition of issue positions of candidates and parties the directional model in both countries fails to turn out superior.     

Masterstatus, Familie und Geschlecht

Intention des Beitrages ist es, Geschlecht und Familie auf der Basis eines institutionenorientierten Lebenslaufansatzes neu zu durchdenken. Die Zentrierung auf gesellschaftliche Institutionen als Orte der Vermittlung von individuellem Handeln und sozialstrukturellen Bedingungen ermöglicht es, mikro-, meso- und makrosoziale Interdependenzen in den Mittelpunkt zu rücken und bisher zum großen Teil verdeckten, da indirekten Strukturierungen von Geschlechterverhältnissen auf die Spur zu kommen. Aus dieser Perspektive relativiert sich die in der Lebenslaufforschung dominierende Individualisierungs-These zugunsten der Erkenntnis, dass Individuen sich durch institutionelle Eigenlogiken untereinander vernetzt sehen, die sie in neue Zwickmühlen bringen. Der Beitrag von Lebenslauf-Institutionen zur Rekonstruktion einer Geschlechterordnung gerät zwar zunehmend in Widerspruch zu Anforderungen an das individuelle Management der eigenen Biographie, doch der relationale Bezug zwischen Institutionen scheint Familie und Geschlecht weder aus ihren subjektiven Verpflichtungsmustern zu entlassen, noch aus ihrer sozialstrukturellen Vermittlerrolle zwischen biographischen Optionen und inkompatiblen institutionellen Verfügbarkeits-Ansprüchen.