The future of conventional arms control

Dramatic changes in conventional military capabilities coupled with nuclear parity should greatly increase the importance of conventional military power as well as raise new opportunities and problems for arms control. Those changes are not yet widely appreciated and in fact, there is a lack of analytic tools by which to appraise their implications and importance.As an initial step to systematic analysis of the desirability and feasibility of conventional arms control agreements, this paper describes current trends in weapons development and evaluates alternative interpretations of the implications of those trends. The requirements of effective and reliable arms control agreements are then enumerated and a general assessment made of the difficulties in meeting those requirements.The conclusions reached are necessarily speculative in light of the limited data and the surprisingly sparse analysis available on the characteristics, combat effectiveness and complementary combat and supporting requirements of new conventional weaponry. However, available evidence suggests the imminent emergence of significantly greater incentives for larger conventional forces, for larger logistics and support bases, for surprise attack, and for campaign strategies that emphasize speed and high attrition on all sides. If true, these factors will increase pressures for larger military budgets while also increasing instabilities in arms competitions. They also should increase interest in arms control measures though the characteristics of new weapons technology may make designing such measures even more difficult than in the past.Prepared for delivery at the 1975 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco Hilton Hotel, San Francisco, California, September 2–5, 1975.     

Intolerance and Political Repression in the United States: A Half Century after McCarthyism

What consequences for political freedom arise from high levels of political intolerance among the American public? Comparing surveys from 1954 to 2005, I document the level of perceived freedom today and consider how it has changed since the McCarthy era. Levels of intolerance today and in 1954 are also compared. Next assessed is whether restrictions on freedom are uniformly perceived or whether some subsections of the population are more likely to feel repressed than others. I find that while intolerance may have declined somewhat since 1954, perceived constraints on individual freedom have actually increased. These findings produce telling consequences for the subtheory of pluralistic intolerance. During McCarthyism, intolerance focused on the Left; today, many groups are not tolerated, so the loss of freedom is more widespread. Heretofore, many thought that pluralistic intolerance tended to be benign. At least in the case of the contemporary United States, it seems not to be.     

在新形势下必须继续保持和发扬党的艰苦奋斗精神

艰苦奋斗精神既是中华民族的优良传统，也是中国共产党长期以来形成的优良作风。80多年来，中国共产党保持和发扬艰苦奋斗的优良作风，团结全国各族人民，在不同的历史时期，战胜了无数的困难，取得了一个又一个的伟大胜利。历史表明，无论是过去、现在还是将来，艰苦奋斗精神都是中国共产党思想建设和作风建设的一项重要内容，同时也是新的历史时期实现社会主义现代化宏伟目标的根本保证。     

Aging studies on fingerprint residues using thin-layer and high performance liquid chromatography

The chemical substances of perspiration found in latent fingerprint residue may hold the key for dating latent fingerprints. To study the chemical transformations of these components as a function of time and environment, fingerprint residues from four males and four females were analysed by thin-layer chromatography (TLC) and high performance liquid chromatography (HPLC). Three major and two or three minor components were detected by both methods and the variation in the quantity of the major components with time was observed.