全文获取类型
收费全文 | 105篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 2篇 |
工人农民 | 3篇 |
世界政治 | 18篇 |
外交国际关系 | 4篇 |
法律 | 45篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 35篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 7篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 4篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 29篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 2篇 |
2008年 | 2篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 3篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 5篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有110条查询结果,搜索用时 16 毫秒
101.
Until 1964, ideological conservatives tended to participate in presidential campaign activities at higher rates than liberals. Since then, Beck and Jennings (1980, 1984) have shown the variable nature of the participation-ideology relationship, arguing that ideologically extreme candidates have successfully mobilized their followers in particular elections. In this paper, we explain the anomaly of the 1980 election in which strong liberals participated at higher rates despite a very strong conservative on the Republican side. Using data collected over time in 1980 by the University of Michigan's Center for Political Studies (CPS/NES), we broaden the Beck-Jennings model to include participation during the primary season and hypothesize that mobilization of ideological groups may result from ideological candidatesand the competitiveness or closeness of a nomination contest. We find that the ideological candidate model explains general election participation to a significant degree, while competitiveness considerations are more important for mobilization during the primaries. 相似文献
102.
This paper examines the idea of "policy transfer" in the arena of crime control. More specifically, it examines the influence of the United States on recent criminal justice and penal policy developments in Britain. Three policy areas are discussed: privatized corrections, "zero-tolerance" policing, and "three-strikes" sentencing. Changes in these areas are widely perceived as being strongly influenced by developments in the U.S., although there has yet to be a systematic empirical study of how and why these policy developments occurred. Drawing on a review of literature, this paper examines the plausibility of the idea of policy transfer and highlights distinct routes through which policy transfer may occur between jurisdictions. It uses Bennett's (1991) model of "policy convergence" as a framework for exploring how "emulation,""elite-networking,""harmonization," and "penetration" might have been relevant to policy changes in these areas. Finally, the paper considers how the concept of policy transfer in criminal justice and penal policy might be further examined empirically. 相似文献
103.
This article examines recent efforts to establish Community Partnership Grant Programmes (CPG) in six South African communities. CPG programmes provide the financial and organizational infrastructure to support citizen‐initiated neighbourhood projects. We review our efforts to disseminate the CPG programme model in three different environments in South Africa—a large metropolitan area, three smaller municipalities and two tribal villages—and analyse why preliminary implementation results were positive in some communities but not others. Our findings form the basis of a model of CPG programme implementation based on the mode of implementation and the breadth of stakeholder involvement. We use this model to make recommendations to increase the likelihood of implementation success for similar programmes. The article concludes with observations about the applicability of the CPG programme idea as a way to develop civic infrastructure, and on the political lessons learned from our implementation experience in South Africa. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
104.
Bennett T Brookman F 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2009,53(6):617-633
Studies on the motivation for violent street crime, such as robbery and assault, have tended to draw on either the rational choice or the subcultural perspective. This study explores the extent to which violence on the street can be explained by rational factors associated with the successful commission of the offence or social factors related to street culture. The study is based on qualitative interviews with 55 violent street offenders who were serving sentences for street robbery and assault in six prisons in the United Kingdom. The findings, based on accounts of 101 incidents of street violence, identified four main explanations for street violence: (a) successful offence enactment, (b) buzz and excitement, (c) status and honor, and (d) informal justice. The article concludes that there might be benefits in combining the insights of both perspectives by generating an integrated theory that would properly explain both the rational and the seemingly irrational components of street violence. 相似文献
105.
106.
107.
Trevor Parfitt 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(1):37-53
This article argues that a central element of capitalist development, especially in its neo-liberal form, has been the configuration of a rationalised and individuated conception of work that helps to maximise capitalist efficiency. As the capitalist system has become globalised there has been an attempt to export this conception of work to the Global South by means of liberalisation programmes, many of them sponsored by the World Bank. These have entailed repression of organised labour in the attempt to force workers to adopt the role allocated to them by neo-liberalism, that of individual rational maximisers of utilities. It is argued that this attempt to globalise a neo-liberal conception of work must confront an Asia wherein local values (notably a preference for communitarian rather than individualistic values) and conditions have led both state and civil society to frame the concept of work as having collective rather than just individual significance. 相似文献
108.
Ronald W. DeBry Ph.D. Evan S. Wong B.S. Trevor Stamper Ph.D. Clifford Cookman B.S. Gregory A. Dahlem Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(1):73-78
Abstract: Correct species identification is critical when dipteran larvae are used for inference of the postmortem interval. To facilitate DNA‐based identification of forensically important flies of the genus Lucilia in the continental United States, we develop a vouchered reference collection and DNA sequence database. A total of 122 specimens were collected for nine of the 10 species of Lucilia reported to occur in the continental United States. Using the polymerase chain reaction and DNA sequencing, data were obtained for an 1100‐bp region of the mitochondrial gene encoding cytochrome oxidase I (COI). We consider a species suitable for DNA‐based identification if it is exclusively monophyletic in >95% of bootstrap pseudoreplicate phylogenetic analyses. Seven of the nine species meet that criterion. Two species (Lucilia coeruleiviridis and Lucilia mexicana) share COI sequence and cannot be distinguished using our reference database. We conclude that DNA‐based identification is likely to be successful for the other seven species. 相似文献
109.
Irina S. Khmelko Charles R. Wise Trevor L. Brown 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(1):73-95
The Ukrainian legislature is in the process of transforming from a ‘rubber stamp’ institution of the Soviet type into an ‘institution that matters’ in a new democratic state. The practice of democratic institution building in the post-Soviet countries presents multiple examples of powerful executives who gained dominance in legislative processes. What path has Ukraine taken and what can explain its specific characteristics? This article charts the growth of committees here as a marker of legislative institutionalisation in Ukraine. The study finds that Ukrainian legislative committees defy prevalent regional trends and, contrary to expectations, have asserted independent roles. It then discusses factors that may account for this unique regional development – the role of a dual executive structure and the Ukraine party system. 相似文献
110.
Trevor Rubenzer 《American journal of political science》2011,55(1):105-116
To what extent are ethnic minority interest groups able to influence U.S. foreign policy? Current case study research has identified several factors that may condition the ability of diasporic groups to influence foreign policy toward ancestral “homelands.” To this point, existing studies have been unable to isolate the impact of campaign contributions from other factors that may influence U.S. foreign policy decision making. The current study uses a combination of conditional and standard logistic regression to examine the impact of Cuban American interest group and individual campaign contributions on a series of votes on key amendments in the 108th and 109th Congresses. Results from the study support the idea that the Cuban diasporic community in the United States has had an impact on U.S. foreign policy toward Cuba. However, there are significant limits to this influence conditioned in part by issue salience. 相似文献