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991.
Harold J. Bershady 《Society》2007,44(5):70-76
Detective stories take place mainly in two settings, constantly changing, many faceted big cities filled with strangers, and
stable, fairly homogeneous, innocent small towns whose members know one another. The differences in each clarify the qualities
of the other. In solving the mystery of the small town, the detective provides moral instruction and restores the town’s innocence.
In solving the mystery in the big city the detective reveals the city as part of the mystery and provides the reader with
temporary orientation to the city. Mysteries have grown with the growth of the cities and now appear in every country of the
world.
Harold J. Bershady is an emeritus Professor of Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. His most recent book, edited with
Renée Fox and Victor Lidz, is After Parson: A Theory of Action for the 21st Century, published by Russell Sage Press, 2005. 相似文献
992.
In this article, we model the effect of foreign policy attitudes on both vote choice and casualty tolerance, using survey
data collected during the 2004 election. We show that prospective judgments of the likelihood of success in Iraq and retrospective
judgments of whether the war in Iraq was right are significant determinants of both vote choice and casualty tolerance. The
prospective judgment of success is key in predicting casualty tolerance, while retrospective judgment of whether the war was
right takes precedence in determining vote choice. In addition, there is an important interaction between the two variables,
so the effect of one is conditional on the value of the other. We believe this is compelling evidence that foreign policy
matters, and that it matters in reasonable ways.
相似文献
Jason ReiflerEmail: |
993.
Stephen T. Mockabee 《Political Behavior》2007,29(2):221-248
In this study I adopt a view of cultural conflict that extends beyond the usual set of controversial “moral” issues like abortion
and gay rights to include symbolic issues related to patriotism and group affect. Using a set of survey items asking about
respondents’ preferences in child-rearing, I create a measure of individuals’ orientations toward authority that proves to
be a potent predictor of attitudes on cultural issues, affect toward social groups, party identification, and vote choice.
This authority effect persists even in the presence of extensive multivariate controls for demographic and religious variables.
I find that both authority measures and religion measures shape political attitudes, suggesting the need for a multi-faceted approach to understanding cultural conflict.
相似文献
Stephen T. MockabeeEmail: |
994.
Cindy D. Kam 《Political Behavior》2007,29(3):343-367
Citizens are asked to make many judgments in politics, often in the face of scarce information and limited motivation. In
making political judgments, citizens may rely upon a variety of cues, including the partisanship, ethnicity, race, or sex
of candidates. Some cues, however, are more democratically troublesome than others. Democratic norms of equality suggest that
attitudes towards racial or ethnic groups should not influence citizens’ evaluations of candidates. Often, however, attitudes
towards these groups do matter. This article identifies a limiting condition on the effect of group attitudes: the presence
of a party cue. I demonstrate that attitudes towards Hispanics influence willingness to support a Hispanic candidate, but
only in the absence of a party cue. The article also contributes to existing work by analyzing both explicit and implicit
measures of attitudes towards groups. Explicit measures include stereotypes and feeling thermometers; implicit measures are
derived from a subliminal priming task. Subjects with positive attitudes towards Hispanics (whether these attitudes were measured
implicitly or explicitly) were more likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. Subjects with
negative attitudes towards Hispanics were less likely to support the Hispanic candidate, in the absence of party cues. The
presence of party cues, however, eliminates the impact of attitudes towards Hispanics on political choice.
相似文献
Cindy D. KamEmail: |
995.
Dennis T. Avery 《Society》2007,44(6):137-143
High-yield farming—more agricultural output per acre of farmland—has been a boon to mankind and to nature. If today’s agricultural
efficiency was the same as in the 1950s, the world would need three times the cropland to produce today’s food supply. That
would mean that 15-16 million mi2 of forest would have been destroyed—all the global forest area available today. Rising population and increased affluence
will require a tripling of agricultural efficiency in the next 50 years if we are to protect wildlife at the same time. More
investment in agricultural research and education will be required, but this is what produced the previous green revolution.
相似文献
Dennis T. AveryEmail: |
996.
Relying on rarely analyzed public opinion data from the 1930s and early 1940s, we take issue with the notion popular in contemporary
liberal circles that the New Deal era represented a period of expansive commitment to the security and well-being of the poor
and politically disenfranchised. At least where the public is concerned—as opposed to the progressive policy makers in the
Roosevelt administration—the jobless were regarded with suspicion, immigrants should be forced to “go home,” women belong
in the kitchen not on the shop floor. The harsher the economic conditions (by state), the more conservative were the public
attitudes. Hence New Deal legislative victories accrued despite rather than because of public support.
相似文献
Elisabeth JacobsEmail: |
997.
Samuel Popkin 《Society》2007,44(5):37-44
This article attempts to identify the general principles that underlie public reasoning about collective obligations and that
help explain when political parties can create new obligations or defend existing ones. I use these principles to President
Clinton’s unsuccessful attempt to create government health-care plan and attempts by President Bush to privatize Social Security.
The success of a party in selling – or defeating – an obligation depends upon what people believe about the competence and
capacity of government and the value of autonomy – choices made by each citizen; whether people perceive the obligation as
providing floors or establishing ceilings by limiting choice or otherwise restricting opportunities for the better-off; and
whether the program is more like insurance or more like welfare. A party’s ability to maintain credibility with voters also
depends upon whether party leaders can suppress issues that threaten intra-party elite pacts. When attempts to suppress “taboo”
issues like “stem cells” or “black crime” fail, the party loses credibility with its voters and attempts to defend or sell
obligations fail.
相似文献
Samuel PopkinEmail: |
998.
Political tolerance is a key democratic value believed to undergird successful and healthy democracies. In nascent democracies
especially, citizens must tolerate the views and participation of opposing groups in order to ensure methodical transfers
of power with successive elections. Yet, despite its importance, little research considers tolerance outside established democracies.
In this paper, we compare political tolerance across eight Eastern European countries and six Western countries. We demonstrate
that mean levels of tolerance are lower in the newly democratized countries of Eastern Europe and then examine whether they
are a function of East Europeans’ limited experience with democracy. We also test whether established individual-level theories
of tolerance replicate across this wide range of new and old democracies. We find some support for theories of democratic
learning and also show that models of tolerance operate differently across the range of countries in our sample.
相似文献
Sandra Marquart-PyattEmail: |
999.
This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs
in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis
of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility
in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary
democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch
adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study
shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue.
The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore
the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming,
two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.
相似文献
Wouter van der BrugEmail: |
1000.
Given growing concerns about the loss of farmland in the US, governmental and nonprofit groups are seeking innovative, cost-effective
methods to preserve lands that will elicit additional landowner participation. This article describes four innovative farmland
preservation techniques and derives implications for the policy process through interviews of key stakeholders: program administrators,
lawmakers, and landowners. Experts on farmland preservation were also interviewed to ensure stakeholder perceptions substantively
inform the policy process. Four techniques were selected for assessment from approximately 30 novel techniques. Reactions
to these policy options reflect stakeholder perceptions of a baseline condition; the perceptions help evaluate which options
are likely to survive the policy process and what attributes will lead to their acceptability because few of these techniques
have yet become policy. Although the stakeholders may have more limited experience with the policy process, land preservation
experts validated many of the results and the possibility of success in the “rough and tumble” of the policy process. Of the
four investigated techniques rights of first refusal was the most favored, although respondents thought effective implementation
would require careful targeting and a dedicated funding source. Experts agreed this technique was most likely to survive in
the political arena. Agricultural conservation pension was also viewed favorably, though it was considered administratively
difficult to implement. Several experts thought that, though inchoate, the pension plan could potentially be more cost effective
than rights of first refusal. Land preservation tontines were perceived to be an interesting concept, but confusing, difficult
to implement, and ill-defined. Term conservation easements were viewed unfavorably because they did not preserve land permanently.
相似文献
Lori LynchEmail: |