Deny and Attack or Concede and Correct? Image Repair and the Politically Scandalized

In the wake of recent political scandals, pundits have argued that the way a politician reacts to a scandal can make or break said politician's relationship with constituents and future in elected office. Some politicians concede guilt immediately, apologize, promise to take corrective action, and possibly open the door to moving on with their careers. Others deny culpability and attack their accusers, hoping to quickly put accusations behind them, change the subject, and channel public attention in a different direction. Does conceding guilt after a scandal breaks and offering to take corrective action to solve the problem help ameliorate the issue, or does it push the public away even further? Does denying involvement in a scandal and attacking the accuser compound the problem, or can it evoke positive feelings? This research uses an experimental design to test individuals’ reactions to how politicians act after being accused of a personal scandal (in this case, an inappropriate relationship with a staffer). Results illustrate that a strategy involving denial and attacking accusers can spur positive evaluations of who a politician is and what that politician will do in the future, while the performance of conceding and taking corrective action is mixed at best.     

Party Systems and Decentralization in Africa

What explains when and to what extent central governments implement decentralization? By centering on the strategic incentives that follow from the particular configuration of competitiveness and party system coherence, we propose a theory that can begin to explain the divergent outcomes in the many forms of decentralization initiated across Africa. This explanation for the extent to which robust decentralization is implemented over time suggests two counter-intuitive findings. First, authoritarian regimes may decentralize further than democratic ones, given the incentives to the hegemonic party where such reforms are initiated. Second, highly fragmented and deeply localized polities may decentralize most minimally, even where there is a broad consensus about the desirability of such reforms. We provide a first test of the theory through a comparative analysis of over a dozen countries, focusing on process tracing for Ethiopia, Botswana, Ghana, and Benin.     

Self-deception as the root of political failure

I consider models of political failure based on self-deception. Individuals discard free information when that information damages their self-image and thus lowers their utility. More specifically, individuals prefer to feel good about their previously chosen affiliations and shape their worldviews accordingly. This model helps explain the relative robustness of political failure in light of extensive free information, and it helps explain the rarity of truth-seeking behavior in political debate. The comparative statics predictions differ from models of either Downsian or expressive voting. For instance, an increased probability of voter decisiveness does not necessarily yield a better result. I also consider political parties as institutions and whether political errors cancel in the aggregate. I find that political failure based on self-deception is very difficult to eliminate.     

Chengdu Impression

Most of my high school experience wasspent studying Chinese on my own and working toward my ultimate goal of mastering a language and through this learn more about my own and others as well. First, it is important to understand a background of my senior year in high school when I went abroad to China.I arrived in Chengdu, capital city     

Social Identity Theory and EU Expansion

In this article, I build a theory of European Union (EU) expansion using Social Identity Theory. The theory proposes that the development of a national identity in relation to Europe is the most significant contributing factor to a policy to support/oppose expanding the EU to include applicant countries. According to the theory, strength of identity—whether more national or European—is the key variable in explaining the policy toward applicant countries. As a preliminary exploration of the theory, I look at why some decision-makers within EU countries support Turkey's accession while others do not. The identities among top decision-makers within Britain, Germany, and France are used to examine the policy preferences regarding Turkey's bid for membership into the EU during these three recent progressions: the recognition of Turkey as a candidate country in 1999, the development of a timeline for full membership in 2002, and the beginning of accession negotiations in 2005.     

Testing an Integration of Control Theories: The Role of Bonds and Self-Control in Decision Making

Since the redefinition of self-control (Hirschi, 2004) social bonding measures have been utilized as predictors or indicators of revised or decisional self-control. This approach departs from the prior literature which has hypothesized a selection effect of self-control on social bonds. To reconcile this discrepancy and explain the relationship among two self-control measures (attitudinal and revised self-control), an alternate model is proposed that explains the process of self-control on refrainment from offending at the situation level. Surveys using the vignette method for a hypothetical drunk-driving decision-making task were collected from large samples of young adults and inmates. Path analysis is used to model bonds and self-control as determinates of decisional self-control, thus indirectly influencing self-reported estimates of drunk-driving likelihood. Decisional self-control, attitudinal self-control and social bonds also directly affect intentions to drive drunk. Overall, the proposed model is supported. A strong direct effect of attitudinal self-control on drunk-driving likelihood remains while controlling for decisional self-control. There are relatively smaller indirect effects of social bonds and attitudinal self-control on drunk-driving likelihood, through their effects on decisional self-control. These findings support the need for the conceptual separation of bonds, attitudinal and decisional self-control as well as increased attention to differential effects of self-control.     

Exploring New Directions in Self-Forgiveness Research: Integrating Self and Other Perspectives on Moral Repair

Self-forgiveness is not only shaped by processes exclusively within the self, nor are its consequences limited to the self. The Handbook of the Psychology of Self-Forgiveness (Woodyatt et al. 2017c) offers a timely collection of the growing and diverse scholarship on self-forgiveness, as well as a valuable resource for researchers. More importantly, however, it also provides a launching point for further theoretical and empirical innovations. In particular, we highlight the need to further investigate the role of others in the search for self-forgiveness and ultimately, moral redemption for the self. We reflect on the evolution and conceptualization, antecedents and consequences, and application of self-forgiveness. We then suggest new avenues for research that integrate self and other perspectives to understand an individual’s journey through self-forgiveness within a broader social context. We propose that we can conceptualize self-forgiveness and forgiveness as two complementary sides of the same process toward moral repair.