全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1405篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 103篇 |
工人农民 | 21篇 |
世界政治 | 64篇 |
外交国际关系 | 65篇 |
法律 | 930篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 223篇 |
综合类 | 4篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 17篇 |
2017年 | 11篇 |
2016年 | 15篇 |
2015年 | 64篇 |
2014年 | 62篇 |
2013年 | 260篇 |
2012年 | 85篇 |
2011年 | 61篇 |
2010年 | 82篇 |
2009年 | 78篇 |
2008年 | 66篇 |
2007年 | 70篇 |
2006年 | 69篇 |
2005年 | 74篇 |
2004年 | 51篇 |
2003年 | 19篇 |
2002年 | 30篇 |
2001年 | 88篇 |
2000年 | 11篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 7篇 |
1995年 | 7篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 10篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 12篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 10篇 |
1986年 | 13篇 |
1985年 | 9篇 |
1984年 | 9篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 12篇 |
1981年 | 7篇 |
1980年 | 9篇 |
1979年 | 7篇 |
1978年 | 7篇 |
1977年 | 7篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 3篇 |
1943年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1417条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
91.
92.
Michael Stroh Matthias Eichinger Adam Giza Nathalie Hirschmann Nicole Bögelein Angelika Pitsela Frank Neubacher 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2016,22(4):635-653
The difference in official crime statistics between women and men is a constant fact in criminology, but has yet to be explained in a satisfactory way. There are few studies addressing the issue of why this gender gap is larger in registered crime than it is in self-report studies. The study at hand comprises a survey among Greek and German students to examine whether this gap could be attributed to a gender-specific reporting of crime. Participants’ self-reported experiences of victimisation and their rating of the seriousness of offences depicted in case vignettes were used to gain insight into varying tendencies to report a crime depending on the offender’s gender. The act of reporting a crime did not vary gender-specifically. 相似文献
93.
Matthias Ecker-Ehrhardt 《Global Society》2012,26(4):451-471
Many scholars take it as given that international governmental and non-governmental actors play a decisive role in international politics as regulative, moral or epistemic authorities. Hence, a denationalised “multi-centric world” (James Rosenau) is said to be emerging, although empirical evidence for this is incomplete at best. Building on a variety of communication theoretical approaches, I argue for a clear-cut differentiation between authority and the power of the better argument. Moreover, I claim that, by looking at the way actors select and refer to the statements of others (“authority talk”), we can research the reproduction of authority as a specific type of relational power exercised by a variety of political actors, including governments, international agencies and non-state actors. The usefulness of this kind of analytical framework for researching an emerging “world authority structure” (John Boli) is illustrated, using speeches and news pieces on the humanitarian crisis in Sudan/Darfur. Results suggest that the common perception of an existing “non-governmental order” in humanitarian politics is highly exaggerated. Instead, what we see is a high degree of “UN-isation” of debate and a pivotal role of national governments that are widely acknowledged as authoritative sources of meaning. 相似文献
94.
沙特阿拉伯于20世纪30年代发现石油,自70年代以来,随着石油价格的暴涨和世界石油需求量的猛增,使沙特迅速富有,一跃成为G20成员国,在全球经济治理中占有重要一席。由于沙特经济发展对国际市场和世界经济发展具有极强的依赖性,因此,在未来的全球经济治理中,沙特还会发挥更大的作用和影响力。 相似文献
95.
Matthias Leese 《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2017,10(2):320-337
ABSTRACTThis article explores questions of justice and moral permissibility of state action in counterterrorism through Robert Nozick’s Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Using the case of the Berlin attack in December of 2016 and the ensuing political debate over whether potential terrorists could be put into preventive custody as an illustrative example, it engages Nozick’s argument on prevention, knowledge and justice. In Nozick’s fierce defence of individual rights, the state comes into being as an aggregate of individuals and their inviolable rights, and thus possesses no moral legitimacy of its own. Individual rights must therefore not be violated for the sake of common goods. In conjunction with his emphasis on free will and the ensuing unpredictability of human decision-making, the article highlights the Nozickian position as a powerful account against the justification of preventive custody, thereby providing a moral “fail-safe” in counterterrorism discourses that build on just war theory and utilitarianism. 相似文献
96.
Inner-city birth rates following enactment of the Minnesota parental notification law 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
An increase in birth rates to Minneapolis minors following the enactment of a parental notification law was examined. A well-publicized link between increasing birth rates and the law is shown to have been premature. Birth, abortion, and population data by age, race, and region suggest that the increasing birth rate in Minneapolis was not related to parental notification, but rather to a growing racial minority population.Preparation of this article was supported in part by an Aldeen Grant from Wheaton College. The authors wish to thank the Minnesota Center for Health Statistics, particularly James Wigginton and Carol Vargas, for their considerable work to provide birth, abortion, and population data in a form suitable for the current analysis. The authors also thank Americans United for Life for purchasing the data and providing them to the authors. 相似文献
97.
98.
Abstract This study examines the effect of victim age, victim attractiveness, the victim's abuse history and respondent gender have on attributions of blame and credibility towards a female victim in a hypothetical child sexual abuse case. A total of 397 respondents from a community sample read a hypothetical child sexual abuse (CSA) scenario in which victim age, victim attractiveness and the victim's abuse history were manipulated. Respondents then completed a 16-item blame attribution questionnaire. Several predictions were made. First, a 10-year-old victim would be deemed less blameworthy and more credible than a 15-year-old victim. Secondly, an attractive victim would be viewed more positively, and attributed less blame, than an unattractive victim. Thirdly, a victim with previous history of being sexual abused—either by the same or different perpetrators—would be deemed more culpable for their own CSA than a first time victims. Finally, female respondents were expected to take a more pro-victim and anti-perpetrator stance than males. Whilst comparatively few differences were found across victim attractiveness and abuse history. Overall findings were broadly in line with predictions. It was concluded that victim age and respondent gender play particularly important roles in the attribution of blame towards victims and perpetrators of child sexual abuse. 相似文献
99.
100.