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121.
Hallbera West 《Scandinavian political studies》2020,43(1):1-23
Control of executive power is a central accountability concern. This article focuses on ways for parliament and MPs to assist the voter in this important task. Parliamentary systems empower parliaments by a range of control institutions, but the role of political parties challenges MPs incentives to engage in control of government. This article focuses on Fire Alarm control activity, but argues that Fire Alarms call for MP Firefighting. In parliament, MPs have the opportunity to respond to reports from decentral control institutions about government mal-administration. Building on models of rational politicians, this paper investigates when MPs in fact engage in Firefighting related to Fire Alarm cases from the Ombudsman and audit institution. The article argues that MPs engage in Firefighting when it serves partisan purposes. The paper relies on a medium-N dataset of reports from the Faroese Ombudsman and Audit General (52 cases) and applies a mixed-method research design. The results show that the partisan logic dominates MP Firefighting. Opposition MPs use government mistakes to damage government reputation. However, the paper argues of the possibility of a more parliamentarian outcome, since focus on Fire Alarm cases puts pressure on government to make amends. 相似文献
122.
Marceau Kristine Brick Leslie A. Knopik Valerie S. Reijneveld S. A. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2020,49(1):17-31
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Cortisol reactivity is a frequently studied biomarker of substance use, though infrequently examined in adolescence. However, past research provides evidence that... 相似文献
123.
124.
Edwin G. West 《Public Choice》1985,46(1):61-70
Calculations of the costs of tuition tax credits should include estimates of the induced migration from public to private schools. The estimate by the President's advisors that his 1983 tax credit proposal would cost up to $800 million by 1986 neglected the migration factor. It is demonstrated that a migration from public to private schools of about from 1 to 1.4% of the present public school enrollment is all that is necessary to secure savings from migrants that just offset the loss in federal tax revenue from tax credits granted to incumbent private school families. Greater migration will generate net revenue gains to governments as a whole. 相似文献
125.
Studies in Comparative International Development - 相似文献
126.
W. Gordon West 《Critical Criminology》1989,1(1):99-112
This paper argues that a global perspective is demanded by neo-Marxist methodological considerations, pointing out that traditional
comparative criminology has been seriously flawed in its assumptions and preconceptions. A critical comparative criminology
must be based on a world system and/or dependency model, coupled with human rights concerns. The crucial concerns of critical
criminology are re-identified within a problematic of the concepts: “reproduction”, “production”, “the state”, and “transformation”.
Their relevance to a comparative criminology is underscored, by way of critiquing north/western (including Canadian) critical
criminology. The paper ends by drawing out some of the implications of this approach for justice theory and research in Canada. 相似文献
127.
Valerie E. Copping 《Journal of family violence》1996,11(1):41-57
A review of the available research on child witnesses of family violence reveals inconsistent results. It is proposed that this is due in part to varying methodologies including oversimplified data categories and unreliable sources of report. The current study utilizes a longitudinal naturalistic observation format of 75 children in 5 women's shelters. Results show first, the complexity of behaviors, second, fluctuating positive behaviors, third, the overall decline of negative behaviors, and fourth, the shelter worker's role as the victims' primary object. Conclusions emphasize the importance of early childhood development, the need for clinical support to child victims of violence, and the need for counselling models to facilitate the changes in child victims' behaviors. 相似文献
128.
Recent years have seen an intermittent debate amongst journalists, policy-makers and academics in adversarial jurisdictions about the nature and quality of the inquisitorial tradition in criminal process. Much of the political impact of the debate in Britain has stemmed from the view asserted periodically by certain high profile figures that some form of judicial supervision of police investigation – as practised for example in France – might be introduced in England and Wales.1 Such views tend to find expression when events call into question not just particular rules but also the underlying structures and assumptions of our adversarial tradition of criminal process. Thus in 1991 the public revelation of serious miscarriages of justice led to the appointment of a Royal Commission on Criminal Justice in which the adversarial character of the pre-trial process seemed to be a key point of interrogation.2 The police view, demonstrated in a number of key cases, was that once they were clear that a suspect was guilty they had no responsibility to pursue exculpatory lines of investigation. This, combined with the failure of defence lawyers to play the extensive, autonomous investigative role the adversarial system demanded of them, encouraged some to ask whether there might not be advantages in somehow ensuring that the resources and rights of the state were devoted to pursuing exonerating as well as incriminating evidence. Given the limited empirical evidence then available on the workings of judicial supervision in practice4 and the sometimes vehement dispute in France itself about the future of its pre-trial process and especially the juge d'instruction(examining magistrate), the proposals were perhaps not surprisingly rejected.5 But since the mid 1990s, British funders have begun to finance a number of empirical studies of French criminal justice.6 This paper reports the principal findings of a empirical study primarily funded by Britain's Economic and Social Research Council into the role of defence lawyers in France.7 Our focus and primary theme is the developing nature of their dialogue and exchanges with key state actors such as judges, prosecutors and the police on the one hand and with clients on the other. But in so doing we aim to cast light on the broader functioning of the pre-trial process in France. 相似文献
129.
An important yet poorly understood function of law enforcement organizations is the role they play in distilling and transmitting the meaning of legal rules to frontline law enforcement officers and their local communities. In this study, we examine how police and sheriff's agencies in California collectively make sense of state hate crime laws. To do so, we gathered formal policy documents called “hate crime general orders” from all 397 police and sheriff's departments in the state and conducted interviews with law enforcement officials to determine the aggregate patterns of local agencies' responses to higher law. We also construct a “genealogy of law” to locate the sources of the definitions of hate crime used in agency policies. Despite a common set of state criminal laws, we find significant variation in how hate crime is defined in these documents, which we attribute to the discretion local law enforcement agencies possess, the ambiguity of law, and the surplus of legal definitions of hate crime available in the larger environment to which law enforcement must respond. Some law enforcement agencies take their cue from other agencies, some follow statewide guidelines, and others are oriented toward gaining legitimacy from national professional bodies or groups within their own community. The social mechanisms that produce the observed clustering patterns in terms of approach to hate crime law are mimetic (copying another department), normative (driven by professional standards about training and community social movement pressure), and actuarial (affected by the demands of the crime data collection system). Together these findings paint a picture of policing organizations as mediators between law‐on‐the‐books and law‐in‐action that are embedded in interorganizational networks with other departments, state and federal agencies, professional bodies, national social movement organizations, and local community groups. The implications of an interorganizational field perspective on law enforcement and implementation are discussed in relation to existing sociolegal research on policing, regulation, and recent neo‐institutional scholarship on law. 相似文献
130.