Richard Doyle 《Public Budgeting & Finance》1996,16(4):59-81

President Clinton's veto of the 1995 reconciliation bill, the largest and most ambitious such legislation ever passed by Congress, was the first time a reconciliation bill was ever rejected by a president. It was also the first reconciliation bill in two decades to include a tax reduction rather than a tax increase. The fate of this bill, and its scope and contents, suggest the need to assess the evolution of reconciliation within the congressional budget process. In the early 1980s, Congress altered budget reconciliation procedures, putting in place a powerful new capability for deficit reduction. Reconciliation became the primary means within the budget process of restraining entitlement spending and increasing taxes as part of congressional efforts to reduce the deficit. Gramm-Rudman-Hollings magnified certain problems Congress encountered in using reconciliation to control entitlements, producing increased pressure to cut discretionary spending. While the Budget Enforcement Act of 1990 included new authority to use reconciliation to restrain entitlements, congressional spending priorities combined with the Peace Dividend to maintain the relative sanctuary entitlement programs have enjoyed. The limits of reconciliation as a deficit reduction tool, both in terms of increasing revenues and curtailing entitlements, are detailed. The inherent procedural advantages accorded to entitlements are contrasted with the treatment of discretionary programs, explaining in part the widening gulf between these two categories of spending. Congress has attempted, without success, to find alternatives to reconciliation. The failure of the seven-year, deficit-eliminating reconciliation bill of 1995 may indicate that certain Limits on the use of reconciliation may have been reached.  相似文献   

    

Richard P. Rozek  Ruth Berkowitz 《The Journal of World Intellectual Property》1998,1(2):179-243

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Douglas A. Van Belle 《Politics & Policy》1998,26(4):933-941

New data compiled on the number of free press countries in the world since 1948 show a steady upward trend except during the presidency of Richard M. Nixon. During Nixon's presidency, and only during Nixon's presidency, the number of free press countries around the globe declined steadily. The coincidence of Nixon's unprecedented attacks on the US news media and this decline in the number of free presses around the globe is difficult to ignore. Though no causal link is tested, several mechanisms that might explain how Nixon's policies might have had a global impact are suggested, along with outlines of what is needed for rigorous exploration and testing.  相似文献   

    

Tsuruhiko Nambu  Richard T. Rapp  Richard P. Rozek 《The Journal of World Intellectual Property》1998,1(5):763-799

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Richard Dien Winfield 《Politics & Policy》1995,23(4):689-702

With communism's collapse, the democratization of the economy might appear to be the specter haunting the new world order. Indeed, proponents have called for economic democracy as a prerequisite of both political freedom and social justice. They argue that extending democracy to the economy overcomes the limits of popular participation in modern representative government, remedies the subordination of politics to privileged social groups, and provides a training ground for political involvement. In addition, they maintain that democratizing the economy is necessary to realize economic freedom and curtail economic inequality. All these arguments neglect the distinction between civil society and the state and between social and political freedom. When this distinction is observed, the call to democratize the economy gets supplanted by the challenge of regulating markets to insure equal economic opportunity and to prevent economic factors from undermining the autonomy of politics and the equal political opportunity of citizens.  相似文献   

    

Richard Heeks  Carolyne Stanforth 《公共行政管理与发展》2014,34(1):14-31

Development projects are central to international development, yet the actual practice of their implementation is under‐researched. In particular, we know little about how practice affects project performance and about how politics is enacted within such projects. This paper investigates these knowledge gaps through analysis, using actor‐network theory (ANT), of a donor‐funded reform project in the Sri Lankan public sector. By analysing, using mobilisation, interaction and disintegration of the local and global actor‐networks that typically surround such development projects, the paper explains the project's trajectory. These actions represent the practice of politics that must, in turn, be understood in relation to network actor power: not through a static conception of ‘capacitive power’ but through the dynamic enacted concept of ‘associative power’. The paper concludes by reflecting on the contribution and limitations of ANT's local/global networks component in analysing development projects, and in providing insights for development project practice. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

    

Richard Rose 《West European politics》2014,37(2):253-269

This article opens up the closed model of the responsibility of a national government to its national electorate by adding constraints on its capacity to enact effective economic, national security and political policies. These constraints come from policy interdependence. The European Union exerts a denationalising influence through the Council, a multinational effect through the European Parliament, and the eurozone is designed as a transnational technocracy. Intergovernmental institutions spanning continents add further constraints. The result is a growing gap between the efforts of a national government to deliver outputs that match the preferences of voters and a reduction in the capacity of national electorates to hold accountable institutions outside their country that have a major impact on national outcomes. The conclusion considers three prospective possibilities: a growing frustration with a policy-irrelevant rotation of parties in office; institutional reform at the supranational level; and a learning process in which a recognition of the constraints of interdependence leads to a change in expectations.  相似文献   

    

Richard Rawlings 《Journal of law and society》2015,42(4):471-498

The United Kingdom continues to undergo a rapid process of constitutional change, with an ongoing redistribution of law‐making and governmental powers to different parts of the Union under an expanded rubric of ‘devolution'. This article illuminates a pervasive sense of territorial constitutional crisis and opportunity in the most recent period, familiarly associated with, but not confined to, Scotland. Constructive and flexible federal‐type responses inside a famously uncodified constitution are championed. Wales, commonly treated as a junior partner in the United Kingdom, presents special challenges for constitutional and legal analysis and distinctive perspectives on the Union which have not received the attention they deserve. In tackling this deficiency, the article elaborates a ‘new Union’ concept of a looser and less hierarchical set of constitutional arrangements in which several systems of parliamentary government are grounded in popular sovereignty and cooperate for mutual benefit.  相似文献   

    

Richard Lynch 《The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice》2014,53(3):321-322

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Richard Rainsberger 《Campus Legal Advisor》2015,15(5):6-6

“It was a mistake, it was inadvertent — it wasn't intentional. We all know FERPA, we all understand our responsibilities in terms of students' rights to privacy .… It was from what I understand a part‐time clerk who made the mistake.”  相似文献