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691.
692.
The gram-negative aerobic oral bacterial flora of 100 consecutive corpses was isolated. After the identification and culturing of the isolated organisms, blood grouping was performed by the haemagglutination inhibition technique on dried culture smears, the dried culture medium and a dried ethanol extract of the bacteria. Forty-seven of the samples showed a gram-negative aerobic bacterial growth, giving 58 microorganisms of 14 different species. Positive blood grouping results were found in two of them (Escherichia coli and Serratia marcescens), both of type B. It is concluded that occasional mistyping of blood groups on saliva and oral material may be caused by the oral gram-negative aerobic flora, especially if the specimens are contaminated or putrefying.  相似文献   
693.
This article argues that the semiotics of the war on terrorism points at a significant shift in United States' discourses on security. This shift can best be described as a move from defence to prevention or from danger to risk. Whereas the notion of defence is closely connected to the state of war, this article claims that the war on terrorism instead institutionalises a permanent state of exception. Building upon Agamben's notion that the state of exception is the non-localisable foundation of a political order, this article makes two claims. First, it argues that semiotic shifts in United States' security politics point at a general trend that, to some extent, structures international American interventions. In a sense, the semiotic shifts in American security discourse declare the United States as the sovereign of the global order: they allow the United States to exempt itself from the (international) framework of law, while demanding compliance by others. Second, it claims that this production of American sovereignty is paralleled by reducing the life of (some) individuals to the bare life of homo sacer(life that can be killed without punishment). In the war on terrorism, the production of bare life is mainly brought about by bureaucratic techniques of risk management and surveillance, which reduce human life to biographic risk profiles.  相似文献   
694.
695.
After 50 years of spectacularly successful work (particularly in raising the equity stakes, improving the quality of overseas development aid, fostering Southern NGO work at the international level and organising quick and effective humanitarian assistance), Northern development NGOs have come to a crossroads. The author argues that the history of the NGO 'occupational category', coupled with a changing political and economic environment (the end of the Cold War, rising international investment, declining overseas development aid, and vastly heightened Southern NGO capacity), means that most Northern NGOs should close up shop. Instead, a kaleidoscopic rebirth is envisaged, where four key functions remain for Northerners--as humanitarian agents, economic policy watchers, North-South brokers, and corporate responsibility advocates. This change of job is heralded as good news: evidence that the project of global social justice has moved dramatically forwards.  相似文献   
696.
697.
This paper takes as its starting point recent major changes in arrangements between the federal and provincial government in Canada concerning the sharing of costs for health insurance programs. The switch from a shared cost (conditional grant) to a modified block funding system was motivated by federal desires to limit and make predictable their expenditures, by provincial desires to increase the flexibility of their allocation of funds and by a mutual desire to limit any growth of health care costs as a proportion of GNP. Concerns related directly to improving medical care delivery were insignificant The changes will effectively centralize responsibility for program financing and program delivery, thus providing a powerful incentive for provincial governments to apply very strong measures to control costs. For reasons largely external to the relationship between public sector insurers and the suppliers of medical services, these attempts are unlikely to be successful in the short run. The probable impact of this difficulty on government and members of the health care delivery system is assessed.  相似文献   
698.
Victimology theory recognizes that the characteristics, attitudes, and behaviors of potential victims influence the likelihood of criminal victimization. An important question for victimologists is whether potential victims put themselves at risk by engaging in risky behavior or whether victimization is primarily a result of bad luck. While this question has been investigated extensively with respect to street crime victimization, little attempt has been made to apply it to victimization by fraud. This article investigates the influence of attitudes toward financial risk taking on the likelihood of fraud victimization. Using data from a telephone survey of 400 randomly sampled respondents, we find that age and attitudes toward financial risk taking are significantly related to the likelihood of attempted victimizations but not to successful victimizations.  相似文献   
699.
A method to estimate a household's social status in a stratified society is described. We do not leave it up to the respondents what is to be understood by status, as most methods do, but define it as the weight of the household with respect to social welfare. In order to operationalize this individual relative importance concept we measure and utilize the individual welfare evaluations. Our empirical results for a data set collected in the Boston area in 1983 show the dependency of social status and social stratification on individual characteristics. A comparison made with some other methods shows the feasibility of our approach.  相似文献   
700.
Abstract Based upon findings in other fields in the social sciences, it is proposed in this article that cooperation between government parties can be induced when parties in governments are able to exercise credible exit threats. As stability is more likely to be induced by cooperation than by defection, more durable governments can be expected. The possibility for credible exit threats in a government is operationalized via the presence of a dominant party in the government. The corresponding prediction is tested against a data set that contains 261 postwar governments in twelve western multiparty democracies. In the event history analyses of government survival, I control for variables pertaining to the bargaining environment, bargaining complexity, and the ideological diversity of the governments. It is found that the presence of dominant parties in governments does indeed enhance the survival time of governments.  相似文献   
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